tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-69061554199036056342024-03-14T11:54:46.273-04:00Das BlogSatadru SenSatadru Senhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/01130077806377387996noreply@blogger.comBlogger52125tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6906155419903605634.post-36416600392867825022018-06-19T01:03:00.001-04:002018-06-21T21:01:15.405-04:00The Decency of Child Removal<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiDxO4Yh4zBinM2zDtq45QNHhNZlLBAyckhNgwjO_Qmqrl12X6fU3ashz_ANF6f8RX8DWM-WA55a1fQL3L8GZR3lMs1FFTzx1__U3tWEq86E3ygEts4bbYaZ5sa9yO1S-VPMyW6g5362DHz/s1600/imgp5732asm.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="146" data-original-width="220" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiDxO4Yh4zBinM2zDtq45QNHhNZlLBAyckhNgwjO_Qmqrl12X6fU3ashz_ANF6f8RX8DWM-WA55a1fQL3L8GZR3lMs1FFTzx1__U3tWEq86E3ygEts4bbYaZ5sa9yO1S-VPMyW6g5362DHz/s1600/imgp5732asm.jpg" /></a></div>
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The Trump regime’s policy of
taking away the children of “illegal immigrants” and locking them in cages,
warehouses and “tent cities” is a monstrosity even by the standards of
criminality-in-governance to which we have become accustomed over the past year
and a half. The children include breastfeeding babies, toddlers, the blind and
<a href="https://www.vice.com/en_us/article/vbqnx8/propublica-audio-migrant-kids-separated-from-parents-vgtrn" target="_blank">the terrified</a>. They have no idea where their parents are or whether they will
see them again. Parents have been thrust into a parallel ignorance of their
children’s whereabouts; at least one parent has committed suicide. We have been
given multiple and incoherent explanations and justifications: that this policy
is “punishment” for people who have committed a crime by entering the country
illegally, that it will deter those contemplating illegal entry, that it will
pressure the Democratic Party into making a “deal” with Trump that presumably
includes funding his wall, that this is a sign of “toughness” or “zero
tolerance” in the pursuit of the national interest, that the regime is merely
enforcing a settlement reached by the Clinton administration in 1997 and a law
passed by the Bush administration in 2008. None of that disguises the basic
reality of the torture of children and their parents. Even without rehashing old
arguments about the banality of evil, we can see that this evil is recognizably
banal, perpetrated by “working people” who are simply “doing their jobs.” The
concept of “working people,” in America as in Germany in the 1930s, is itself a
nugget of evil banality, closely aligned with a vision of decency centered on
conformity and exclusion. </div>
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<br /></div>
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If we go beyond the banality and
ask where it is coming from, we can identify a crisis of aesthetics and
history. This is not the first time that the US government (or any other
government) has tormented children. We can point to the accelerated
deportations initiated by the Obama administration, the devastating effects on
Iraqi children of the Clinton-Albright sanctions, and the bombing of civilians
in a state of war that is chronic rather than episodic. Those crimes cannot be
detached from the current horror of the deliberate targeting of families, and
they can be only partially differentiated as “collateral damage,” since
collateral damage is only a partial disavowal of intent. It is also easy to see
the wider range of historical precedents, from the taking of Native American
children and the breakup through sale of slave families, to instances that do
not involve children directly, such as Guantanamo and Abu Ghraib. We can see
the continuity in the deployment of rhetoric such as “tough on crime” and “zero
tolerance,” which have become not only politically advantageous but
also self-evidently desirable: the discourse of common sense. When this is common sense, it becomes possible for otherwise reasonable and decent people to believe that the University of California reserves two-thirds of its funded admissions for the children of illegal immigrants. At that point, what Trump does to children and their parents becomes forgivable. These developments are
all national crimes, in the sense that they are part of the fabric of our
nationhood. It is not entirely honest to say, as some critics of Trump have
been saying out of a sincerely outraged decency, that child-removal is
un-American, or “This is not who we are.” </div>
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<br /></div>
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All the same, some aspects of
the current atrocity are unprecedented. Trump is a uniquely horrifying
phenomenon in American history, and not simply because his regime is a
political calamity that will leave a legacy of damage. It, and he, inspire in
critics a visceral revulsion akin to the revulsion that
Idi Amin and Caligula once inspired with their rumors of cannibalism, bestiality
and incest. The rumors may or may not have been literally true, but
their source is real enough. It is the revulsion that comes from encountering
the human animal in its grossest form, composed entirely of fleshy appetites and impulses:
the mindless, soulless, shameless lunging for food, sex, instant gratification
and dominance that one accepts in pigs and tolerates in children, but recoils
from when it appears in human adults. It is repulsive not simply because of
what it is, but also because of what it is not, for this pathological excess of urges that come from the gut is also the total absence of empathy, reason and reflection.
These are people who cannot even fake an apology, let alone repent. When
dealing with those who supposedly defecate in toilets of gold even as they
order that frightened toddlers be held by the state but not held by humans, the
principle of “appealing to the humanity of the evil-doer” that one associates
with Gandhi or Jesus breaks down, leaving us with a bare cupboard of
countermeasures. Revulsion is all we have to begin with.</div>
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Under the circumstances, we must
recognize first of all the broad complicity of our society, including its
“decent” actors and elements, in vicious and often illegal practices that have
not been confronted and punished. Obama did not punish the torturers from the
Bush administration, Nixon placed Lieutenant Calley in comfortable house
arrest, Ford pardoned Nixon, and Trump has already turned the presidential
pardon into an instrument of witness tampering. The failures to confront and
punish have preserved in American governance a bipartisan zone of
extra-legality that is not just useful to the powerful but constitutive of
power itself. Within the state and civil society, a tacit consensus has
emerged that this extra-legality is itself legitimate and governance must
transcend legality: authority cannot be limited by law, including not only
international law (which is blocked by national sovereignty), but also the law
of the land in question. Since the state supposedly acts in the name of the
people, the patriotic citizen can and must accept that legality is not
necessary for legitimacy, which can come instead from the transferred will –
i.e., the identity expressed in the community of the nation-state – of the patriot, who can be either actively
supportive or passively tolerant of government action. That is, obviously, an
inherently fascist principle. One does not need a “fascist state” to confirm
its operation, but its existence makes it easier for the state to
accommodate fascism.</div>
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<br /></div>
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In freeing governance and
legitimacy from legality, a basic liberal principle has been suspended and its
associated institutions corroded, the suspension hidden and the corrosion
justified by the expectation that decent people can be counted on to do the
decent thing without the need for legal consequences. Thus, the Bush-Cheney
torturers could be forgiven as fundamentally decent “working people” who would
not do it again, since a decent leadership would not tell them to do it again.
But when political leadership is reliant on the presumption that legality does
not fully apply to governance, and that government must keep in reserve (if not
in active deployment) the power to act without restraint, decency becomes quite
compatible with conduct that might otherwise be illegal and punishable. Not
only does the temptation to exceed the law become irresistible, the law itself
becomes inapplicable; it withers away, leaving behind a trace or shell. The
shell is not without its uses, but the utility is the hollowness itself. For
instance, the 1997 and 2008 laws that the Trump regime has used to justify its
recent actions <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/fact-checker/wp/2018/06/19/the-facts-about-trumps-policy-of-separating-families-at-the-border/?utm_term=.aeec1dbc87e4" target="_blank">do not, in fact, require border authorities to separate children</a>
from their parents. Citing them is an obfuscation and a ritual of legitimacy,
underlining the useful emptiness of law in governance.</div>
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<br /></div>
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We must recognize, second, that
our current predicament is not a problem of universal corruption, in which one
set of leaders and followers are as malevolent as another. Obama, Clinton
and Ford were all recognizably “decent” politicians. That decency was not fake
or meaningless: it meant, for instance, that they would not have ordered the
kidnapping of children, or even the torture of adults. They were empathetic,
capable of feeling remorse for the harm they did more or less accidentally. The
same understanding of decency, however, also allowed them to <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">tolerate</i>
kidnapping, torture and drone attacks as behavior that can be accommodated within the
extralegal space of governance, to bury the photographs from Abu Ghraib, to
refuse to see (and even more pertinently, to show, because that would bring legality into play) what they would not themselves have done while declining to
strengthen the institutions that might have prevented Trump from
doing what is so indecent that it can only be called obscene. </div>
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<br /></div>
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We cannot, in other words, count
on decency to prevent indecency, or to keep the truly pathological from abusing of the machinery of government. It is essential that we
see the Trump phenomenon not only as a freakish malignancy, but also as the
consequence of a reactionary decency that we have already normalized, and that
enables forms of racism, fascism and assorted cruelty that we have already
woven into our sense of who and what we are as a political community. It must,
in the longer term, be uprooted or at least confronted if this is not to happen
again. It is not a coincidence that “zero tolerance” is the signature phrase of
this evil. </div>
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<br /></div>
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Finally, it is useful to recall
what the author of the notion of the banality of evil wrote about forgiveness.
In the follow-up to her work on totalitarianism, Hannah Arendt described
forgiveness as a central aspect of freedom: it is, she suggested, an act that
disrupts the causality of offense and retaliation (karma, a Hindu might say), and thus makes human initiative in history possible. It is an elegant
argument, but it makes sense only in a context where the offender is
potentially penitent and forgiveness is accompanied by systemic corrections, and I do not mean the feel-good pablum of <i>si se puede </i>chants. It has been possible to forgive Germans for their crimes of
decency because the Nazi leadership was punished, and because the children of the
followers went beyond decency and became, very substantially, a different kind
of political community. Until the current American regime is recognized and
treated as what they are – which is a collection of criminals – and concrete
steps are taken to make it legally impossible to get away with what they have
done, talk of forgiveness, accommodation, compromise, civility or decency would be
fundamentally indecent.</div>
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<br /></div>
<div style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
June 19, 2018 </div>
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Satadru Senhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/01130077806377387996noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6906155419903605634.post-34898000927297977592018-01-03T10:32:00.001-05:002018-02-23T10:33:06.601-05:00Murder and Memory<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhkkpR5baKfFxMPk1hRnAsHnJFERoVjLJvW_PRiMh8ml2uO2fNdJJURQenZ0oggAJM05ixqKKASg1_3vGgYtOoywePHz5cKUUwdB-Y6DAI6EUXYjO_ohuRKRQa6E64xKPV6m0bxAVMB8sGI/s1600/imgp5732asm.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="146" data-original-width="220" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhkkpR5baKfFxMPk1hRnAsHnJFERoVjLJvW_PRiMh8ml2uO2fNdJJURQenZ0oggAJM05ixqKKASg1_3vGgYtOoywePHz5cKUUwdB-Y6DAI6EUXYjO_ohuRKRQa6E64xKPV6m0bxAVMB8sGI/s1600/imgp5732asm.jpg" /></a></div>
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In a lodge
outside <a href="http://www.satadrusen.com/index.php?option=com_content&id=73" target="_blank">Namib-Naukluft</a> National Park, I chatted with the Herero
bartender about tribes, politics and mass murder in Namibia. She was surprised
(and probably amused) by my interest, and gave me a free beer. Later that day,
I saw her serving dinner to a table full of German men: solid, middle-aged,
Middle European types on a group Urlaub. No one looked awkward or apologetic,
and nobody mentioned genocide. It was an ordinary transaction between a waitress
and diners, or rather between a local and tourists in a Third World country,
and it was the ordinariness that made me recoil, because it represented two
distinct cultures of forgetfulness: one of the community of killers, and
another of the killed.</div>
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In the first
years of the twentieth century, in what is now Namibia, German forces killed
about a hundred thousand Herero and Nama people on the basis of ethnicity.
Lothar von Trotha, the senior commander in the colony, made a decision to
exterminate the tribes, which had risen in rebellion against the inescapable
curtailment of their political autonomy and territory, the rampant use of slave
labor by the colonial regime, and the growing pressure of white settlement. With
the support of the government in Berlin, von Trotha’s troops shot and hanged the
males from teenagers up, shot some of the women and younger children as well, chased the rest into the
desert, and prevented them from accessing the water holes. Most of those who
survived the bullets died of hunger and thirst. Von Trotha’s orders regarding
the shooting of women and children were ambiguous: on the one hand, he worried
that such shootings would injure ‘the good reputation of the German soldier’ (a
notion that had not yet acquired its heavy coat of irony), and gallantly
suggested that firing over their heads might suffice to frighten them to death.
On the other, he was clear about his goal: he was engaged in a ‘race war,’ and ‘I
shall spare neither women nor children.’ With men and boys he was even clearer:
‘All will be shot.’</div>
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<br /></div>
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Ethnic
extermination is almost never complete, however, partly because of the slippery
nature of ethnicity, and partly because bodies consigned to death by the racist
state have uses even when alive. While the majority of the Herero and Nama
died, others ended up in the concentration camp on Shark Island, where they
were subjected to ‘scientific’ experiments that often killed them. Their heads
were then shipped to German universities for study and display. Some survivors
were relatively fortunate, managing to cross the desert to the relative safety
of British-controlled territory. </div>
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<br /></div>
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The murder of
the Herero and Nama has entered the history of modern genocide somewhat
retrospectively: it has become common to see it as a precursor of the
Holocaust, i.e., an earlier sign of the genocidal inclinations of the German
state, and an experiment that produced lessons that would be put to a larger
use in the 1940s. This reading is not incorrect, but it is nevertheless limited
and misleading, because it gives the Namibian episode a pioneering status that
disconnects it from the wider history of whiteness. The extermination of
indigenous populations already had a long pedigree in settler colonialism, the
indiscriminate murder of racially marked civilians was, likewise, a commonplace
of colonial counterinsurgency, and concentration camps had already entered the
lexicon of war and population-management in southern Africa. Rituals of mutilation
and body-snatching had been part and parcel of the colonialism of ‘pacification’
and would remain so through the Vietnam War, and the scientific-exhibitionist allure of the
bodies of the undead – established in southern Africa in the <a href="http://debbiejlee.com/ageofwonder/gilman.pdf" target="_blank">Saartjie Baartman exhibitions</a> a century before the taking of Namibian heads – would continue
through the Tuskeegee experiments with syphilis. </div>
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<br /></div>
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The genocide of
the Herero and Nama was, in that sense, an ordinary affair. It might be argued
that its only pioneering feature was the level of control exercised by a
centrally directed metropolitan state. Even that was, in some respects, a sign
of weakness: German colonists in Southwest Africa were too few, and their
colonial project too underdeveloped discursively and institutionally, to
achieve without direct state intervention what Afrikaner and Anglo-identified settlers
had achieved semi-autonomously (but rarely without the backing of troops) in
South Africa, Australia and America. Bypassing militias and mobs, imperial Germany
resorted immediately and exclusively to the military to clear its colonial
space. It was, one might say, more efficient. Also, in the sense that it
established terror as both a ubiquitous administrative modality and a monopoly
of the state, it was a closer ancestor of totalitarianism than other, more
conventionally genocidal, settler colonial societies. Von Trotha’s exercise in
mass murder was thus radical as well as ordinary: generically white, but not
disconnected from the specific atrocities of the post-1941 Third Reich.</div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
When it comes to
the remembrance of mass murder, however, the Namibian tribes and the victims of
the Holocaust occupy very different historical niches. As a brown man, I winced
at the sight of the Herero woman bringing the German tourists their dinner, visited involuntarily by
the shadow of the radical within the ordinary. But I may not have recoiled
similarly from the sight of Germans being served by a Jewish woman in a New
York restaurant, even if the ethnic identities were reliably evident to all
parties. Since 1945, Germans, Jews and ‘the West’ have had a
conversation about the Holocaust in particular, about anti-Semitism generally,
and even more generally about civilized codes of racism and murder. This
conversation has become a foundation of a revised West. The new West is
signified not only by a penitent and anti-militarist German nationhood, and an
elaborate culture of European introspection, acknowledgment and apology
epitomized in a vast body of literature, art, scholarship, memorial
infrastructure, common sense, and language itself, but also policies of reparation
and compensation. Most importantly, it is marked by a consensus about the
reality of ‘Judeo-Christian civilization,’ which has become the publicly
admissible code for ‘whiteness.’ In other words, the hypothetical
encounter between the waitress and the tourist in New York is structured around
a profound historical reckoning, and a major revision of the boundaries of
identity on the part of the genocidal community: an erstwhile Other is now
normatively part of the Self. This accommodation is the most fundamental
reparation for the Holocaust. The waitress and the tourist are both aware of
it, as is an eavesdropping ‘third party,’ who knows better than to be disturbed
by an encounter of insiders.</div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
In the case of
the Herero and Nama, none of that reckoning and revision has occurred. The post-Holocaust
German state belatedly acknowledged the genocide, issued an apology and
returned the severed heads, but it was a diplomatic gesture, unattached either
to reparations or to a wider culture of acknowledgment and self-transformation.
While it is possible that individual Germans ‘know about’ von Trotha’s exploits,
that knowledge is not backed up by a repertoire of films, novels and essays
that constitutes national culture, let alone civilization. There is no G<span style="mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;">ü</span>nter
Grass or Heinrich B<span style="mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;">ö</span>ll of the Herero genocide. Namibia was done somewhere else, by
people who can be disavowed as belonging to a different time and hence a
different nation, and to people who are ultimately of limited relevance to
being German or European. Even Hannah Arendt, the most brilliant philosopher of
‘western civilization’ after the Holocaust, and who famously made the
connection between colonialism in Africa and totalitarianism in Europe, took no
notice: there is hardly a word about Namibia in <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">The Origins of Totalitarianism. </i>Arendt’s silence was entirely
consistent with the limits of her critique of racism and fascism: post-war
Europe – which remained the locus of a salvaged liberalism – could include
within its civilizational ambit some, but not all, of its victims. Thus, even
in the most generous circumstances, there could be sympathy but not
identification. It might be argued, further, that Arendt’s eagerness to situate
the roots of totalitarianism in South Africa and Rhodesia rather than Namibia
was compatible with the post-war German embrace of a dispersed European
collective, making it easier for Germans to relegate certain episodes from the
national past to a slippery, transnational legacy. The weakening of
nationalism, ironically, also weakened the ethical imperative of ownership. </div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
There was,
consequently, no imperative to remember Namibia. Nor was there a discursive
product like ‘Never again,’ which is ambiguous to begin with: it can mean
either ‘never again to us,’ or ‘never again to anybody,’ and the two meanings
undergird very different types of memory-politics. Europe – which, like
whiteness in general, retains its nationally-identified kernels but also loses
them forgetfully in the vagueness of a fragmented past – has, after all, been
remarkably efficient at forgetting colonialism, not in the sense that it does
not acknowledge it, but in that it can be dealt with dishonestly and
desultorily, or, all too often, with nostalgia and narcissism. The British East
India Company’s famine of 1770 may have killed ten million people, and the 1943
redux another four million, but these catastrophes have left no imprint upon
either ‘western civilization’ or ‘Britishness.’ Located entirely outside
Europe, colonial crimes require no adjustments of identity or boundary. Germans
in Namibia can thus segue effortlessly from seeing the Herero as colonial
vermin to seeing them as servers in exotic tourist space – a maneuver that is
not possible with Jews or Russians (although it may be possible with the Roma
and Sinti).</div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
The connections
between memory and responsibility are quite different when it comes to
Namibians themselves. The Herero waitress knew about the mass killings, but
only in very general terms. She gave no indication that the knowledge informed
her identity – especially her sense of her political responsibility – in the
way that awareness of the Holocaust is a part of Jewishness. In the museums of
Windhoek, we find some memorialization of the events of 1904-1907, but once
again, it is quite different from the European – or the aboriginal – template
of remembering mass murder, in which genocide itself is a privileged category,
producing ethnicity and undergirding the justification for either statehood or
a particular claim upon the state. It is tempting to read that difference as a
form of underdevelopment: as the failure of Namibians (and not just waitresses)
to fully grasp the power of the discourse of genocide and its associated modes
of self-representation. That grasp, however, is enabled by particular political
configurations: the state acting in the name of the remorseful but secure
killer, the victim claiming reparation, or the outsider-turned-insider. </div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
All of those
configurations are visible in the (highly contested) importance that
memorializing genocide has taken on in settler-colonial societies since the
1960s, where indigenous people have found in the memory not only the symbols of
their present-day political marginality, but the substance of community. (American
Indians and Australian Aborigines are the most obvious examples.) It must be
kept in mind, however, that ‘native,’ ‘indigenous’ and ‘aboriginal’ are not
automatically interchangeable terms. The latter two acquire meaning primarily
in the context of settler colonialism accompanied by the near-eradication of a
particular ‘native’ category, the residue of which becomes ‘aboriginal,’
defined against the numerical, political and cultural dominance of the
settler-ethnicity. In Namibia, neither the Herero nor the Nama – whose
populations have rebounded – are aborigines. The Nama in particular, with their origins in the Dutch, San and Malay racial stew of the Cape region, are a relatively new ethnicity. They are, on the one hand, members
of a large indigenous majority that is in control of the state. On the other
hand, they are minorities within the indigenous population. They are
politically weaker than a relatively large ‘tribe’ like the Ovambo (who dominated
the organized struggle against South African rule and have a greater presence
in the political establishment), but they are not subject to the discourse of
imminent eradication that marks the aboriginal condition, relative to either blacks or whites. The roughly seven percent of the population that is
white/settler includes German-speakers, but Afrikaans-speakers predominate, and
its visible roots are in the long occupation of the country by the white-supremacist
South African regime that displaced the Germans in 1915. They do not, as such, represent
the genocidal element. They are better educated and wealthier than most Namibians,
but the political reins and considerable wealth lie in the hands of a new,
post-occupation black elite. The settlers, in other words, are not powerful
enough to produce aboriginality among the indigenous. They were not powerful
enough in 1904 either; it took the military resources of the German state to
produce, through genocide, a temporary aboriginality in the Herero and Nama.</div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
The sites in
Windhoek that memorialize the violence of Namibia’s colonial past are the Independence
Memorial Museum (known to local guides as ‘the coffee maker,’ due to its odd
architecture), and Heroes’ Acre, the sprawling complex to the south of the
city. At each place, and the former in particular, the genocide of 1904-07 is
absorbed into standard narratives and iconographies of wars of national liberation,
i.e., rendered not as victimhood but as heroism. At the Independence Memorial
Museum, images of German soldiers and the victims of von Trotha’s
‘extermination order’ are situated amidst Soviet rocket launchers and South
African armored vehicles from the liberation war of the 1980s, and old photographs
of hanged Herero are placed near new friezes that depict a tormented but
defiant Namibian nation. Sam Nujoma, the SWAPO leader who became the first
president of independent Namibia (and whose statue stands Moses-like on the
steps of the museum), is highlighted as the direct legatee of Herero chief
Hosea Kutako (after whom Windhoek’s airport is named), and also as a friend and
partner of Castro and Mandela. At Heroes’ Acre, the trajectory is even less
subtle: at the top of a hill studded with the names of dead nationalists and
allies, we find a frieze in which colonial mass murder is only the starting
point in an increasingly mechanized and triumphant struggle. There is, throughout, an absence of the sentimentality that marks the iconography of individual suffering, such as Steven Spielberg's notorious girl-in-the-red-coat. There is no appeal to the psychologized personhood that is a hallmark of the modern West, and that, in its genocide-remembering manifestation, undergirds a subjectivity (and indeed, ethnicity) defined by trauma and entitled to various kinds of ‘post-traumatic’ political conduct. There is, instead, a tendency to lapse into the crude rhetoric of national glory that
marks the self-representation of a ‘Third World country’: the over-investment
of identity in the state to compensate for the weakness of civil society, and
a parallel investment in the most powerful instruments of violence available in
the present to compensate for the weaknesses and humiliations perceived in the
past. (It is fitting, although ironic, that a giant Iron Cross sits at the base of Heroes' Acre.) Emphasizing genocide without the surrounding images of fighters and
clenched fists would be to underline that weakness: the sense of shame that
many Jews felt about ‘being led to the slaughter,’ which tightened their
embrace of a state.</div>
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<br /></div>
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</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
The memorialization
of genocide in Namibia is thus somewhat crowded, i.e., without a privileged
space of its own. It has lacked a constituency that might create that space, because
the Herero and Nama have been neither the dominant groups within Namibian
nationalism, nor existentially marginal within that nation. In a relatively
poor society, the development of space in which the past is remembered is
necessarily dependent upon state patronage. For the Namibian state that has
inherited a history of genocide, memory-making has been eclipsed by other
agendas, including especially the need to ‘nation-build’ across tribal
identities, within which focusing on the victimhood of particular tribes would
not only threaten the narrative of national unity, but also challenge the
unacknowledged hierarchies within that nationhood. This is not necessarily a
failure, any more than absence of Indian memorials to the dead of 1770 should be a matter of regret. The urge to remember 'what they did to us' is a second-rate sentiment (one that is literally sentimental) compared to the imperative of recalling what 'we' have done or are capable of doing to 'others.' Indeed, there is something salutary about the ‘low-key’ way in which Namibian
nationalism has structured the memory of genocide, using it as a historical
bridge to other victims and adversaries of colonialism, rather than a fetish
of exceptional victimhood that calls for exceptional measures in the pursuit of reparation or deterrence
(which is essentially the marriage of ethno-nationalist ‘Never again’ discourse
with state power). As a source of justice, memorializing genocide is more
necessary for the murderers than for the murdered. The rest is therapy.</div>
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<br />
<i>Below:</i><br />
<i>Friezes at Heroes' Acre, The Iron Cross at Heroes' Acre, the Coffee Machine, Sam Nujoma on the steps of the National Independence Museum.</i><br />
<br /></div>
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January 3, 2018</div>
</div>
Satadru Senhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/01130077806377387996noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6906155419903605634.post-41813473202103624502017-10-27T00:34:00.001-04:002018-01-29T15:23:18.936-05:00Me too<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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In 2012, after
Jyoti Singh Pandey was savagely raped and murdered on <a href="http://satadru-sen.blogspot.com/2012/12/sparing-rod.html" target="_blank">a Delhi bus</a>, thousands of
middle-class men and women took to the streets to protest the so-called ‘rape
culture’ of the Indian capital, the failure of the government to provide
adequate security to the city’s women, and the reluctance of the state to
sentence rapists to death. Quite a few observers, mostly
leftists, pointed out that the citizens braving the
batons and water cannons of the Delhi Police had not cared enough even to write
an angry letter when poor women were raped by employers, tribal women were
raped by the police, or Dalits were raped by upper-caste landlords. They had
been less than outraged when Muslims in Gujarat were raped by Hindu
nationalists, and they generally refused to believe that Kashmiri and Manipuri
women could have been raped by the Army and the
CRPF. The protesters, it was pointed out, were not only insisting that they
were the primary victims of sexual violence in India, they were appropriating
the unspeakable horror that the woman on the bus had experienced.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It was a reasonable observation.
Ironically, the same critics of middle-class self-absorption have jumped on
board the ‘Me Too’ bandwagon, which is a similar exercise in
self-absorption and conspicuous outrage, this time by the denizens of the global First
World, which includes the aspirational First Worlds within the Third.</div>
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‘Me Too,’ which
began with actresses accusing a movie producer of harassment and assault, has become
a wider phenomenon. It remains, however, limited to middle and upper class
women who have come forward to speak of their trauma. As with any declaration
of victimhood by the privileged and the determination of the comfortable to
weep for their moments of discomfort, this is both aesthetically and
ideologically suspect. The ‘Me Too’ class of Americans, for instance, has shown
no comparable outrage when it comes to refugees and migrants raped beyond the
borders of America, or even those raped by American troops. Few who are
flooding social media with their ‘confessions’ have given such eager support to
Black Lives Matter, concerned themselves with the bombing of civilians in
Afghanistan or Syria, or mobilized against the general violence of inequality. Yet
the thought of white actresses being accosted by famous men in expensive hotel
rooms was apparently enough to remind them of their own suffering, producing a
rush of solidarity. This is not just a matter of selective empathy. Like the
refusal of Indian protesters to ‘see’ rape in Kashmir and their conviction that
sexual violence was <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">their</i> problem, the selectivity of ‘Me Too’ is a protection of one’s own complicity in the
violence that is not protested.</div>
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<br /></div>
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Within the circle
of elite protest, the need to declare ‘me too’ has produced strange conflations
and contrivances. On the one hand, it has cobbled together – under a hashtag – revelations
of child molestation and rape with narratives of ‘inappropriate’ conduct and innuendo, justifying the eclecticism with vague references
to ‘the patriarchy’ and an absurdly simplistic notion of ‘power’ that eviscerates adulthood and consent. On the other,
it has borrowed the vocabulary of law enforcement, criminal justice ('<a href="http://www.newindianexpress.com/nation/2017/oct/27/jadavpur-prof-on-raya-sarkars-list-who-put-up-empathetic-post-deletes-it-after-journalist-takes-i-1684789.html" target="_blank">repeat sexual offender</a>,' 'zero tolerance,' etc.) and tabloid media (a world of 'predators') and merged it with the language of campus bureaucracy (the domain of the 'inappropriate'), effectively stretching the boundaries of rape to the point where it is defined entirely
by how the victim claims to ‘feel,’ and covers everything from extreme force to bad jokes and
<a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/posteverything/wp/2017/10/18/i-went-public-with-my-sexual-assault-and-then-the-trolls-came-for-me/?hpid=hp_no-name_opinion-card-d%3Ahomepage%2Fstory&utm_term=.f6c3ab724138#comments" target="_blank">bad sex</a>. Elie Wiesel is accused of an 'assault' (an unwanted ass-grab lasting a second) at a public function: his victim claims the incident
(which she <a href="https://www.salon.com/2017/10/23/elie-wiesel-sexual-assault-medium-jenny-listman/" target="_blank">describes</a> in lurid terms, using words like 'inserted,' 'molested' and 'shoved') left her with eighteen years of suicidal depression and panic attacks. She is not otherwise bothered by Wiesel's <a href="https://www.haaretz.com/opinion/.premium-1.728991" target="_blank">politics</a>; her trauma stems partly from her belief that he is a great humanitarian. An actress has stepped forward to accuse the octogenarian George
H.W. Bush of ‘sexual assault’ because he supposedly reached out of his
wheelchair to pat her posterior and tell her a dirty joke. An article in the
<a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2017/10/24/opinion/megyn-kelly-problem.html" target="_blank">New York Times</a> described Donald Trump’s dismissal of Megyn Kelly during the
2016 election campaign (she was, he had said, menstruating when she
asked him difficult questions) as a ‘horrific sexual violation.’ Trump’s remark
was certainly horrific in its coarseness and its sexism, but can it really be called sexual violation? And is Kelly's experience with Trump's oafishness automatically horrific? This
is not just a debasement of language that inflates the significance of some
violations and deflates that of others. It is the deployment of language to appropriate
the pain of others to amplify one’s own discomfort.</div>
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‘Me Too’
exemplifies, also, the confessional culture that is the hallmark of the
Internet age, and that has been embraced as feminist ‘self-expression.’ Women,
it is assumed, not only may but should ‘confess’ their experiences - particularly sexual experiences, good and bad - publicly and
heroically, as part of the recovery of the female voice that would otherwise be
silenced by ‘power.’ Parts of the formulation are quite misleading. ‘Confession’
is a morally meaningful idea only if the confessing individual is going to
admit a crime or sin, which is clearly not the case here. What is being
invested with the heroic value of confession is actually exhibition: the narcissistic
glow of revealing yourself to admirers and sympathizers in relative
safety, like conspicuously carrying a mattress around campus as protest <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">and</i> as an ‘art project,’ expecting a
grade at the end of the semester. Such exhibition reflects the cult of psychiatric selfhood that has become a middle-class entitlement. It is deeply reactionary, fed by
decades of corporate incitement to self-love as self-expression, and now by the culture of the selfie shared on social media. The choice of 'me too' as the hashtag of this herd behavior is entirely apt.</div>
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In the process
of that ‘heroic’ self-expression, accusation itself is enveloped in a
halo of saintly suffering and ‘courage’ that apparently eliminates the need for skepticism, due
process (including the presumption of innocence) and evidence. To accuse is to warrant protection, love
and solidarity; to be accused is to be damned. This has generated a
proliferation of irresponsible, damaging and malicious finger-pointing: mischief
masquerading as justice, the confusion of empathy and ‘belief’ to the degree that the need to believe accusers has taken precedence over the concept of reasonable doubt, the substitution of ‘feelings’ for legality, and demands for 'zero tolerance,' the one-size-fits-all reaction to public anxiety beloved of administrators and politicians seeking to show their toughness. On campuses, it has generated the oddly sentimental kangaroo
courts of Title IX, which are a <a href="https://www.politico.com/magazine/story/2017/12/10/yoffe-sexual-harassment-college-franken-216057" target="_blank">travesty of due process</a> and ludicrous enough that Laura Kipnis was subjected
to Title IX proceedings for having criticized Title IX proceedings. Some ‘Me
Too’ supporters have opined that since due process has ‘not worked’ as a
deterrent to sexual violations, it is dispensable. By that logic, the failure
of the criminal courts to prevent murder and theft should give us the license to
lynch. Revisiting due process is entirely counterproductive if it means the enhancement of "victims' rights," a pedigreed right-wing ideology.</div>
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<br /></div>
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Those who are less
comfortable with lynching have hedged by pointing to the urgency of
systemic change. There is no doubt that systemic change is a good idea, just as there is no doubt that unsolicited pussy-grabbing is an especially repulsive masculine entitlement. But to
jump from that to jettisoning all sense of proportion, wallowing in one's conviction of victimhood, and celebrating or defending the circulation of lists of ‘sexual
harassers’ – alternately described as 'sex offenders' or 'sexual assailants,' named by anonymous accusers, compiled without question or corroboration – is to
accept the doctrine of collateral damage, which makes (other) individuals expendable if one’s (own) cause appears worthy. It may be argued that scholars who have spent their careers celebrating <i>hools</i>, jacqueries and ‘political society’ should expect nothing more liberal than a well-intentioned mob trial. But it is a dangerous road for
a movement to take, no matter what its bona fides. Few allies will remain when the fingers of accusation are so random and reckless.</div>
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October 27, 2017 </div>
</div>
Satadru Senhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/01130077806377387996noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6906155419903605634.post-51311633631912294472017-09-21T15:29:00.000-04:002017-09-22T21:18:30.708-04:00The Crisis of the Indian World<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<br />
<div style="text-align: center;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiznWOQY_DZgMQfJvb7ivpiNiRF4KXBm5vrvFHfb78AsPZmwvSu3HWp1c7n26EF3FomfFQugJ1e8iluVSV29J2NgqyFnV1WvvJMU9uLegY0MGzyxlxMh-fias9FmBQPCKu32Mjh3bLvr4Tc/s1600/imgp5732asm.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="146" data-original-width="220" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiznWOQY_DZgMQfJvb7ivpiNiRF4KXBm5vrvFHfb78AsPZmwvSu3HWp1c7n26EF3FomfFQugJ1e8iluVSV29J2NgqyFnV1WvvJMU9uLegY0MGzyxlxMh-fias9FmBQPCKu32Mjh3bLvr4Tc/s1600/imgp5732asm.jpg" /></a><span style="background: white; color: black;"> </span></div>
<span style="background: white; color: black;">The relationship between cosmopolitanism and
nationalism is, generally speaking, not mutually sympathetic. Nationalists tend
to regard cosmopolitans with suspicion, and cosmopolitans look upon
nationalists with alarm and condescension. The two ways of constructing the Self
are, of course, not mutual incompatible either. Kwame Appiah suggested that an
ethically meaningful cosmopolitanism necessarily begins with strong affiliation
with a specific community. Certainly, cosmopolitan nationalism can be imagined in
at least two different ways: a nationhood that is internally cosmopolitan, and
one that engages actively with a community of nations. I want to talk about how
these two possibilities have come together, and come apart, in modern India. I
want to suggest that the limits of internal cosmopolitanism in India – most
specifically, a sweeping delegitimization of the concept of national minorities
– have set up the limits of being Indian in the world, and that these limits
are particularly evident in the present historical moment.</span></div>
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<span style="background: white; color: black;">I want to begin on the margin of India, with
‘Muslim Zion,’ as Faisal Devji called Pakistan. I do not need to go into details
of Devji’s thesis now, except to point out that such ‘Zionism’ – Muslim or
Jewish – rested upon a willingness to think of nationhood outside majorities,
well before it reached the point of imagining a new state with a new majority.
Even when such a state emerged on the horizon, it remained connected to
communities that were, apparently, within the nation but without the state. It
can be argued that the failure of the first phase of Pakistan in 1971 reflected
the pitfalls of this kind of cosmopolitan nationhood: whereas the patriots of
the West Wing remained over-attached to a Muslim identity that transcended the
nation-state, and failed to cultivate an affiliation with their subcontinental
fellow-citizens, those of the East Wing possessed and cultivated the more
conventional, compact nationalism in which ties beyond the territorial state are
not relevant to your identity, and being the majority counts for something. </span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<span style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">The
Iqbalian nationalism of the West Wing had relevance beyond the 'nation' of Indian Muslims. Here
again Faisal Devji has been an illuminative historian, arguing that for Gandhi
in South Africa and even afterwards, nationalist politics was about negotiation
between groups dispersed over a wide geography that could be imperial or Indian,
but in either case was unconcerned with majorities and borders. Devji implies
that this cosmopolitanism is precisely why Gandhi fell afoul of Savarkar, Godse
and their ilk, and Godse himself was quite explicit about it. The refusal to grant
an absolute value to the majority concept, as much as any quixotic attachment
to non-violence, made Gandhi a misfit and a traitor in the new nation. </span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<span style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Gandhi
was especially dangerous because he was <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">not</i>
such an outlier in the last decades of colonial rule. There was, of course,
Rabindranath Tagore, whose universalist humanism could be at odds with the
politics of organized nationalism, and who notoriously wrote, ‘That what you
call a patriot, I am not.’ The words and the posture are easy to misconstrue,
and indeed, they have been misconstrued. Far from disavowing national identity,
Rabindranath was articulating a way of being Indian in the world, and more
generally, of being a nationally-identified subject in the world. What he was
rejecting was the primacy of allegiance to a single state and its defining majority.</span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<span style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">That
rejection could be the foundation of moral responsibility for people anywhere
in the world, as it was for Rabindranath. But it could also be the basis for
establishing a relationship with people who were of the nation but not of the
state, and here, it was relevant to nationalists who have actually been located
on the right wing of Indian politics and intellectual history. The
sociologist Benoy Kumar Sarkar, for instance, was not a bleeding-heart lover of
all people. Between the world wars, he spent much of his time in Germany and Italy,
and became a little too fond of the governing strategies he saw here. He wrote
voluminously about the Indian relationship with the world in the past, present
and future, and was an unsentimental ‘hard’ nationalist, who imagined
sovereignty in terms of state power. </span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Yet
Sarkar did not get along well with the mainstream of the Indian National
Congress, who in the late 1930s and 1940s were on the verge of inheriting the
Indian state. They saw him as an unreliable nationalist. The reason was
Sarkar’s evident indifference to the Congress’ goal of a single, unified Indian
state. What matters, he wrote, was independence; it mattered less whether there
was one independent Indian state, or several. Also, he seemed to care nothing for majorities and their natural privileges: the vanguard of modernity, for Sarkar, was necessarily a minority. There was, of course, a
particular context for Sarkar’s remarks, and that was the demand for Pakistan.
We should keep in mind that Pakistan was not the only ‘secessionist’ proposal on
the table: there were also demands from various princes that their states
remain outside the control of a centralized Indian government. In that context,
Sarkar’s willingness to accept multiple independent states was, from the Congress
perspective, close to treason. </span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Treason, however, is a complicated thing. Sarkar’s openness to multiple Indias was similar to Jinnah’s, which is all the more reason to revisit the
cosmopolitanism of ‘Muslim Zion.’ Muslim ‘separatism’ in India was not merely,
or even primarily, a matter of being enchanted by a globally dispersed
minority-nation. For Jinnah and arguably many others, the enchantment, so to
speak, was with an Indian minority-nation, whose dispersal was a political
problem that could not be solved within a unified state in the time available.
That vision of cosmopolitan nationhood as a political problem, and a limited
timeline for a solution, was explicit in Sarkar. To wait indefinitely for a
nationhood that could be politically organized into a single state, he
suggested, was to prolong colonial rule. It is possible to read this attitude
as stemming from an internationalism that was not oriented towards the
sovereign nation-state, as Manu Goswami has done. I think, however, that such a
reading is incorrect. Sarkar remained, to his core and to his death in 1948, an
ideologue of the sovereign state, and specifically an Indian state, maneuvering
in a world of sovereign states. But the contours of that state were negotiable.
</span></div>
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<span style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">So
were the contours of the nationalized Self, up to a point. Multi-state
adjustments were simultaneously a dispersal and a shrinking of the Self,
coupled with a partial relinquishing of claims upon the part amputated. The
Bengalis of eastern Bengal must now accept that they are foreigners, Sarkar
wrote in 1948, thinking specifically of Pakistan’s Hindu minority, not Muslims. He did not claim special privileges for
Indian Hindus, laid no claim upon a Hindu diaspora on behalf of an Indian state, conceded that many erstwhile compatriots would be foreigners to the specific
state that would henceforth be known as India, but implied also that foreigner
did not necessarily mean alien. There could, in other words, be overlapping
Indian subjectivities, which were both rooted (in specific states) and
dispersed (across borders).</span></div>
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<span style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Sarkar
would be strictly loyal to only one India, but remain cognizant of his kinship
with the others. Likewise, when Jinnah insisted that there was no such thing as
an Indian nation, he was not saying that he saw Hindus as aliens. He was
articulating the difficulty of reconciling peoplehood with statehood. Multiple
centers of sovereignty produced new possibilities, not only in the form of
federalism <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">within</i> the state, but also
as a trans-state federalism, or a multiplication of sovereignty. For Sarkar, as
for Jinnah, the adjusted, compact Self was both affiliated with one particular
state, and linked to a nationally identifiable region, in the process of being
located in the world.</span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<span style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Jinnah
and Sarkar were able to ‘problem-solve’ in these terms because they occupied an
intersectional moment, when multiple, overlapping ways of imagining the
nationalized self could be brought to bear upon emerging states and
citizenships. The Republic of India had not yet acquired its monopoly on
Indianness. We might recall that in 1947, Sarat Bose and Shaheed Suhrawardy,
men with very different political allegiances, could join forces in suggesting
that Bengal remain united and external to both India and Pakistan. Sarat Bose,
certainly, was not disavowing his Indianness. But he and Suhrawardy were
Bengali patriots at a moment when that identity could be governmentally expressed
outside an Indian nation state, or a Pakistani state for that matter, without
nullifying either their conviction that nation-states were key instruments of
dignity and sovereignty, or their investment in a capacious sovereignty that
accommodated many kinds of Indian subjectivities. </span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">The
degree to which the Indian National Congress shared in these cosmopolitan
possibilities is a vexed question, not least because the Congress had many
ideological factions. Even if we were to look at the overtly cosmopolitan Nehru,
there is no easy answer. We can certainly hold Nehru responsible for pushing so
hard for a centralized, unitary state that alternative formulations of
sovereignty were nipped in the bud. When he wrecked the
Cabinet Mission Plan, for instance, he aborted not only the last chance to
avert the Partition, but also what would have been, in some ways, a binational
state. It has been suggested by Ayesha Jalal that Nehru and the Congress
deliberately expelled ‘Muslim India’ from ‘India,’ in order to bypass the
political challenges of governing a binational state. Unlike Sarkar, they
restricted Indianness to the rump state for which they settled, effectively
partitioning not just a state, but an identity. It can be argued, therefore,
that Nehru gave us a curtailed Indianness.</span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">That model of Indianness, however, was also a way of being engaged in the world, not just
as a sovereign power (as Sarkar wanted) but as an instrument of justice. It was
that cosmopolitanism of justice, an extension of the Nehru-and-Ambedkar-driven nationhood of justice, that caused India to take on quixotic positions like the
boycott of apartheid South Africa, to support the Palestinians, and to
criticize the Western wars in Suez and Vietnam. </span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">We
can also say that Nehru’s government presided over a formative important stage
of Indian federalism, which made it possible for a federal identity and
administrations to coexist with their provincial counterparts. The connections
between this internal federalism and internationalism in foreign policy are not
immediately obvious, but they are real. We know that Nehru initially resisted
linguistic federalism; it was, to some extent, forced upon him. But he – and
more importantly, large numbers of his compatriots – came to accept the
arrangement as a reasonable solution to the problem of ‘unity in diversity.’
While it may very well have complicated the project of ‘national unity’ and
made secessionist agendas easier to formulate, it was also visibly a
countermeasure against a monolithic nationhood premised on, say, the dominance
of Hindus or Hindi-speakers. Nehruvian India had a Hindu majority and a
legitimate Muslim minority (whose legitimacy was bemoaned by some as
‘<a href="http://satadru-sen.blogspot.com/2017/04/appeasements.html" target="_blank">appeasement</a>’); it was, simultaneously, a nation in which all ethnic groups –
even Hindi-speakers – were minorities. It was, in that sense, a citizenship of accommodation and mutual engagement: a big-tent nationhood, oriented
towards a big-tent world.</span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">If
we compare that Indianness with the subjectivity of Hindutva or the Hindu
right, there are some obvious overlaps. Savarkar, who coined the term Hindutva,
was a Maharashtrian nationalist <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">and </i>an
Indian nationalist who wanted a Bengali sister-in-law. He was representative of
an Indianizing agenda within the Hindu right that was impatient with narrow or
provincial identity-projects, seeking to complement them with something that
was new and pan-Indian, and that could be articulated in terms of national
culture or even race, as in M.S. Golwalkar’s writings. </span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Those
new structures, however, were often quite coercive, in that they relied upon
the state to steamroller political opposition. They were also narrow, being
upper-caste, north-Indian, Hindu, and Hindi-speaking, even when articulated by
Maharashtrians or Bengalis. To use a couple of American metaphors, if federated
Indianness was a salad-bowl, the Indianness of Hindutva was a melting-pot in
which the final product had been preordained. Moreover, as the RSS and VHP
became the principal institutions for setting the agenda of Hindutva, the
nature of the preordination moved sharply away from the relatively secular Hindu
nationalism of Savarkar, towards a Hindu nationhood that was nakedly concerned
with religion and mythology.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">The
nationhood of Hindutva has its vision of the world, but it is a different world
– different not only from the worlds of Sarkar, Gandhi and Jinnah, but also
from that of Nehru. It saw no world at all beyond India. Ironically, this India
was not the truncated India of Nehru, but the India-as-neighborhood of Sarkar
and Jinnah, nostalgically and aggressively reimagined as Akhand Bharat. Whereas
Sarkar and Jinnah had been willing to entertain a pragmatic disaggregation,
Hindutva fantasized about reaggregation of territorial sovereignty, although
not of people. But beyond the reaggregated neighborhood, lay a void of
knowledge and imagination, akin to the horizon at the edge of the flat earth. When Indians were forced by circumstances to engage that world, it filled with monsters of the local imagination, like Stephen Greenblatt's New World.
Engaging 'realistically' with that horizon, either in terms of justice or in terms of realpolitik,
was unimportant. It was, essentially, a modern peasant’s view of the world,
stopping at the edge of the neighborhood: a small world, not much bigger than a
small nation.</span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">To
illustrate how his shift in Indian cosmopolitanism has played out, I want to
compare, very briefly, the Indian responses to two crises: the Bangladesh
crisis of 1971, and the Myanmar crisis of the present time. To recapitulate
very quickly, in 1971, India took in around ten million Bengali refugees,
remained clear that they would have to go back to their territory, began to
intervene in the civil war in Pakistan on the side of the Bengalis, engaged in
a complicated diplomacy involving the US, the Soviet Union, China, and the UN,
and eventually went to war. Mrs. Indira Gandhi’s government did these things
for a number of reasons, some of which can be called unsentimental and others
humanitarian, but in either case, they have to do with a particular notion of
cosmopolitan Indianness. They involved, for instance, a sophisticated understanding
of a world of nation-states, whose postures and possibilities were shaped by
history and politics. They involved a sensitivity to Indian federalism, in
which Bangladeshi refugees generated sympathy in West Bengal and resentment
in other border states. They involved the recognition that Bangladeshis – or
Pakistanis, for that matter – were not Indians who could simply stay on (even
when they were Hindus, which the majority of the refugees were). But they
were not aliens either, and Indians were linked to them by ties of history and affect, and by political
and moral responsibilities that could not be encapsulated within the
sovereignty of any single state. The Indian calculus involved, thus, a
particular understanding of the location of the self in the nation, the nation
in the state, the state in the neighborhood, and the neighborhood in the world.</span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">In
the current situation involving the ethnic cleansing of the Rohingya from
Myanmar, the Indian position has been (i) to give almost unqualified support to
the Myanmar regime, which is conducting the ethnic cleansing, (ii) to
categorize the Rohingya as a threat to Indian ‘national security,’ and (iv) to
not only refuse to take in Rohingya refugees, but to deport the ones already in
India. In the process, the current Indian government has not only shown itself
to be on the wrong side of a humanitarian crisis, it has also seriously damaged
its relations with Bangladesh, which is bearing the brunt of the exodus from
Myanmar without diplomatic support from the largest, most powerful state in
South Asia.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">The
Indian position can be hard to understand, in the sense that it is a departure
from older patterns of policy, and in that the ‘national security’ argument is
absurd. (Arguably, there would be a greater threat to Indian security if the
Rohingya became another permanently stateless and homeless people.) But the position does
have a logic of its own: there is an expectation that supporting the Myanmar
junta will balance Chinese influence, there are the oil fields that the
Reliance corporation has acquired in Myanmar, there is fear of Muslims, there
is contempt for Bangladesh. ‘Bangladeshi’ has long been the Hindu right’s
synonym for ‘illegal immigrant’ and ‘undesirable alien.’ Even among many Indians
who can agree that the Rohingya are being ill-treated by the Myanmar regime,
there is a feeling that it is not an Indian problem, and that the Indian state
has no obligations in the matter.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">But
what there is, more than anything else, is that warped new way of thinking
about the self, the nation, the state, the neighborhood and the world. Not only
is there none of the worldliness, i.e., the solidarity with the alien, that was
the hallmark of Nehruvian cosmopolitanism, there is no sense of kinship or empathy
with a Bengali-speaking people, including Hindus as well as Muslims, in the
immediate neighborhood of India. Indianness has receded further within the
neighborhood: there is no sense of responsibility that comes from a historical
bond with Bangladesh, i.e., that sense of Bangladesh as another India. There is
none of the regret and responsibility that animated people of the
Partition generation, from Manto to Ritwik Ghatak, who remained cognizant that
the borders of the new nation-states were ethnically untrue, and who continued
to recognize themselves on the other side of the line. Indianness has, in fact,
been diminished even within the Indian state, where questions of whether being
a Bengali-speaker makes you at least contextually a Bengali, and whether being
Bengali gives you a claim on India, have been swept aside by the all-powerful
claim of citizenship. Whereas the apparent Bengaliness of the Rohingya has gained them a measure of sympathy in Bangladesh, provincial and parochial identities (as legitimate political claims upon the whole) have lost ground in India. There is now only a national majority. To be a minority
is to be anti-national. This investment in a
majority responsible only for itself is reinforced by the post-1991,
neoliberal cult of the individual living in a gated community, stepping and
sometimes driving over the homeless.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Where
a wide spectrum of ideologues once saw a natural multiplicity of identities,
responsibilities and centers of affiliation, there is now an Indianness of
exclusiveness, that excludes from empathy, fellow-feeling and responsibility
all those who cannot be captured within the shrunken boundaries of the
majority, the state and the self. I want to close with two observations. One is
that this shrinking is an abdicating of liberalism, and democracy without
liberalism is inherently fascist. The failure of Indian cosmopolitanism is thus
a part of a graver crisis of Indian society, with its majoritarianism and mob
violence. The political consolidation of a national majority – pushed to the point of majoritarian nationalism – has, ironically, not only diminished
the Indian ability to act in the world, it has precipitated a moral leprosy
that can only be demoralizing to those who value an ethical society. The other
is that this is not a peculiarly Indian problem. It may be acute in India,
where liberalism has historically had shallow roots. But we see it also in
Brexit and in Trump’s America. It forces us to face the inherent tension
between nationalism and liberalism in the best of circumstances, and the reality that whereas nationalism finds its fulfillment in the mobilized majority, liberalism (especially in the nation-state) is always a minority ideology. Cosmopolitan
nationhood is the resolution of that tension, but it is also, much of the time,
a contradiction in terms.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">September 21, 2017 </span></div>
</div>
Satadru Senhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/01130077806377387996noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6906155419903605634.post-30676126387353726012017-08-22T23:30:00.000-04:002017-08-22T23:30:04.272-04:00Public history and India<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEireDKMMWSOFfihUtTEzWj3azWg2Yhkkno5Hzmrc_CGBD7z_-4s_1c_m5dGOolAN-OaNGdH4ifdTgCRgm9rwguwsn-zSsidULTJwcNqzkrhxOEv-bwX2lfbgzZEzRzJBl63SNjEi25tcoy2/s1600/imgp5732asm.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="146" data-original-width="220" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEireDKMMWSOFfihUtTEzWj3azWg2Yhkkno5Hzmrc_CGBD7z_-4s_1c_m5dGOolAN-OaNGdH4ifdTgCRgm9rwguwsn-zSsidULTJwcNqzkrhxOEv-bwX2lfbgzZEzRzJBl63SNjEi25tcoy2/s1600/imgp5732asm.jpg" /></a></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
An examination
of ‘public history’ in India – or rather, public history <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">and </i>India – has taken on a special urgency in recent years, not
least because the Republic of India is in the middle of an unprecedented crisis
of the relationship between the state, the public and the citizen. In this
situation, it has become necessary to scrutinize not only Indian publics and
their histories, but also the public’s uses of history, and the problems and
possibilities of writing history for the public. At the core of the crisis is a
breakdown of the alliance between liberalism and history without which the
democratic nation-state becomes ethnocratic and, in some contexts, fascist. This
breakdown has become inescapable in India, where a rampant and frequently violent
majoritarianism – unchecked by the state, and increasingly inseparable from the
state – has been feeding off, and feeding, narratives of bridges to Lanka, the pre-Mughal
origins of the Taj Mahal, and alternative outcomes of the Battle of Haldighati.
The problem cannot be pinned on any particular government; it is woven into the
fabric of a public that has, by and large, fetishized sovereignty without
liberalism since the inception of the Indian nation. </div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
History, in this
situation, is both the disease and the remedy, because the weakness of liberal
institutions and principles of governance in India is compounded by readily
identifiable political and discursive fallacies, such as allegation of
‘pseudo-secularism’ and the discourse of ‘Muslim appeasement.’ These fallacies
are undergirded by a narrative of indigenes and invaders, tyrants and victims, that
is not only reactionary in the context of a multi-ethnic society, but that has
not been challenged consistently by liberal nationalists. In the late
nineteenth century, for instance, the Congress Moderates and their Extremist
challengers generally agreed that Aurangzeb was the devil. They differed mainly
in what they wished to emphasize: whereas one historically-minded group dwelled
on the diabolical, the other preferred to divert attention to the available
angels (Akbar, Dara Shukoh, even benign Europeans). </div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
In subsequent
decades, when the Extremist/Moderate divide had become obsolete, two broad
factions continued to mark nationalist politics, both overflowing the
conventional boundary between the ‘secular’ and the ‘communal.’ One group saw
the public project of the nation-state as historical revenge, the other emphasized
the reconciliation of old enmities in a newly shared citizenship. They did not,
however, disagree fundamentally about the content of the past, or about a dichotomy
of options in the present between vengeance and forgetting. Since history tends
to work against forgetting, it is not surprising that a nation founded on a
history of conflict with a resident enemy has become more focused on vengeance,
and more overtly majoritarian, as it has become more democratic. Also, since
the illiberal state has typically functioned as the gatekeeper to public forums
such as museums, archaeological sites, the cinema, and above all the school,
the liberal historian – where she has existed – has had a limited and fiercely contested
access to the public, especially that part of the public that has constituted
itself as the ‘majority.’ </div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
What is public
history, and can it mean the same thing in all contexts? Acknowledging that the
concept of public history is notoriously hard to define, Robert Weible nevertheless
suggested that it involves an attempt by scholars to bridge the gaps between
academic and popular uses of historical discourse. He gave as his example the
engagement of historians in the provision of texts that might accompany
monuments and exhibits, those being sites where the public performs its public
function. Such a conceptualization may be appropriate in the democratic states
of the West, where even in the midst of intense disagreement about what history
should inform public policy, there is a consensus of sorts about what history
is, about what ‘the public’ is, about the public’s investment in history, and about
the public’s claim upon the state, i.e., about the connections between public
and policy. It is not adequate in the case of India, where no such consensus is
apparent. R.K. Laxman and Arvind Kejriwal notwithstanding, the Indian ‘common
man’ is a fragmented and contentious animal, and one cannot take for granted a
notion of citizenship that is anchored either in popular sovereignty or in
liberalism, which have become politically opposed to each other in India. Here,
multiple publics – sometimes including the same people – vie to establish not
only the content of history, but the contours and significance of history as a
discipline with a privileged place in the nation-state. Academic history in
India is only precariously located in the public. Its narratives are challenged
constantly and effectively by those who claim the prestige of history as a
discipline but are uninterested in its methods and unaware of its content, and
it has no ready response to the argument that disciplinary prestige can have no
assurance of authority in a democracy. ‘Sentiments’ can be as important as
history in determining policy.</div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
Under the
circumstances, the ‘public history’ of the historical space that now includes India,
Pakistan and Bangladesh must be structured broadly and pursue multiple projects
simultaneously. The structure should accommodate three main objectives: studying
the formation of particular publics, studying public experiences, and writing
for the public in a society at war with itself. These should be intertwined goals,
but they can nevertheless be discrete enough to guide historians as they set
out to define what they are trying to do.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify; text-indent: .5in;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
We might begin
with histories of becoming a public, or the processes and debates through which
‘people’ become a ‘public.’ These must contend with the layered nature of
assertions of public identity in India since the early nineteenth century. Not
only have specific politically mobilized identities (structured as ethnicity,
nationality, class, caste, etc.) produced a multiplicity of publics, a new
general identity (that of being a member of ‘the public’ as a concept equipped
with entitlements and even obligations) has functioned as the glue holding
these compartments together. The latter, however, is not universal, because
while it is constructed with reference to global notions of being a public, it
is also, invariably, limited by national citizenship. Exploring the tensions and
resolutions between the particularity, generality, and universality of public-formation
is critical to understanding the contextual and essentially federal practice of
Indian nationhoods, in which there is a constant awareness of outsiders who are
also insiders, and one learns to function in overlapping and not easily
reconciled modes. These modes include the regional and the transregional, the
Bengali and the Indian, the Baidya and the <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">bhadra</i>,
the Indian and the modern. Each has its particular relationship to what can be
either one state, carefully differentiated layers and segments of the state, or
institutions below (or alongside) the state. In any case, the analysis must spotlight
the development of a relationship with instituted authority. Without the relationship,
which can be proprietorial or oppositional, there can be no public to speak of.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
Such histories
of becoming are also, necessarily, projects of distinguishing between private
and public worlds, a task that includes the construction of the ‘private’ as an
appropriate subject for public debate. Here, Partha Chatterjee indicated in <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">The Nation and its Fragments</i> and Dipesh
Chakrabarty in <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Provincializing Europe,</i>
colonialism generated private and semi-private national domains that were
fraught but also reassuringly conservative. It generated, in conjunction, a
ferociously contested domain of public experiences, in which ‘private’ subjects
locked out of the chambers of policy-making could not only articulate a public-hood
grounded in the shared experience of powerlessness, but experience alternative modalities
of power grounded in resistance or (more typically) indifference to formal
authority, coupled with an intensely creative willingness to identify and
defend alternative theaters of agency. These experiences are, indeed, key to
our understanding of the public in a society that has, as often as not,
bypassed civil society on the way to modernity, and in which civil society –
where it exists –remains deeply ambivalent about liberalism. In other words,
close examination of ‘being (in) public’ as a set of experiences and projects
of self-making is essential to the study of not only nationalism without a
nation-state, but also the post-1947 South Asian predicament of illiberal
democracy. </div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
That predicament
is precisely what creates, for the ‘public historian,’ a space and a
responsibility to speak across publics, as it were. It is not enough to dissect
the public, although that task remains essential. It is important, also, to acknowledge
that what is being dissected is not dead, is unlikely to be killed by academic
historians, and is something of a killer in its own right. Academic historians
must speak to it, about it, and (at least strategically) from within it: recovering
from the past the alternatives to a public project of existential revenge and
placing them within the lived realities of the present. It is, therefore,
essential to address what the public itself considers important to public life:
institutions and experiences like working, dining, sport, school, the cinema,
the shop, the street, and the war zone. If the everyday world of the public
citizen – the experiences that generate difference from some and commonality
with some others – can be unpacked and explained in terms that are
comprehensible to those who are arguably modern but not liberal, we may be able
to recover, from the mob, a critical mass of citizens who recognize that
lynching is a specific, and inferior, form of public action.</div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
August 22, 2017 </div>
</div>
Satadru Senhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/01130077806377387996noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6906155419903605634.post-70570543378026764242017-04-18T13:12:00.004-04:002017-04-24T20:45:06.344-04:00Appeasements<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi8aDYU9wdGq1IeUb_3DWt9LGXLlRs949mwo8aw1s9ebCP8wlmvSBTFAjt7qz0jDQNl53FWX5Gyd_HKYpQfDDiPoqo5Nmezkvwd49wfWkc5kFskMmrzRICyn0I8og75X_wfs9Fg5YvlCCax/s1600/imgp5732asm.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi8aDYU9wdGq1IeUb_3DWt9LGXLlRs949mwo8aw1s9ebCP8wlmvSBTFAjt7qz0jDQNl53FWX5Gyd_HKYpQfDDiPoqo5Nmezkvwd49wfWkc5kFskMmrzRICyn0I8og75X_wfs9Fg5YvlCCax/s1600/imgp5732asm.jpg" /></a></div>
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As anyone who
follows Indian public discourse is aware, the rhetoric of ‘Muslim appeasement’
is now ubiquitous. No longer limited to the rabid Hindu right, it has
penetrated the language and perception of citizens who consider themselves
secular and moderate, and who are, indeed, often opposed to the nakedly violent
elements of the Sangh Parivar. These moderates nevertheless offer the word up as
a reason, if not a justification, for the behavior of the rabid, conceding that
the various phenomena of Hindutva in Indian political life were produced by the
appeasement of minorities (specifically Muslims) by politicians (specifically
the Congress and the Left parties). Effectively, then, they agree with a key plank
of the Hindutva platform, and reflect its increasingly hegemonic presence in
what constitutes common sense in both private and public life.</div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
The word ‘appeasement’
has a wider history. Its popular usage began with British prime minister Neville
Chamberlain’s attempt to postpone the Second World War by agreeing to Adolf
Hitler’s demand for the Sudetenland in 1938. It soon became shorthand for a
range of interconnected political faults: shortsightedness, cowardice,
cynicism, betrayal. Its application in the Indian case has included all those implications.
This is curious, because Chamberlain’s perceived mistake was to have appeased a
foreign enemy. His appeasement was a foreign policy, rather than an ideological
position. Appeasement in India, on the other hand, has been a discourse
anchored in domestic politics and national ideology. It is more heavily loaded
and pernicious than a handshake in Munich. The original implications of the
accusation are very much present in India, but the line between foreign and
domestic enemies has become blurred. Indeed, the rhetoric of appeasement is
useful precisely because it blurs that line, continuously turning a portion of
the Indian population into an alien entity and democratic politics into
treason.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
Objectively, the
idea that minorities – and Muslims in particular – have been pampered by the
Indian state is ludicrous. Muslims in India are, on average, considerably
poorer than Hindus. Their presence in the institutions of government and public
life does not remotely approach their percentage of the population, and they suffer
from chronic discrimination in housing and employment. Harassment, intimidation and
worse by the police, army and paramilitary forces is a fact of life. They
are increasingly subject to the violence of vigilantes and lynch mobs that are either
ignored or assisted by the state. They cannot complain about intolerance or criticize
the Indian state – let alone the army and other sacred cows – without
immediately provoking a firestorm of public outrage and being told to shut up
or move to Pakistan. They are, moreover, subject to pervasive and
unquantifiable abuse in what might be called personal interactions with the
majority community. This abuse overflows into the public domain, saturating the
press and online forums with vitriol about ‘mullahs,’ ‘terrorists,’ ‘love jihad,’
people who have too many babies, and the rape of disinterred corpses. If Indian
Muslims have been appeased for seventy years, it has not accomplished
very much. </div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
If we look at
the body of evidence that is held up to demonstrate appeasement, it
quickly falls apart. Nobody can demonstrate how this appeasement has hurt the majority community, let alone been illegitimate. Indian Muslims can vote, it is
pointed out defensively, as if this is some sort of extraordinary generosity in
what is supposed to be a democratic republic. They are allowed to live in
India, it is proclaimed in the same vein. Again, what generosity, ‘allowing’
people to live <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">and</i> vote in their own
country! Indian democracy and pluralism are not charity to an undeserving
minority; these are gifts that, in the words of the Constitution, the Indian
people gave to themselves. Not only are these the substance of freedom and the
justification of independence (because otherwise, what is independence for?),
they are essential to multi-ethnic nationhood.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
The Muslim Civil
Code and Article 370 of the Constitution (which gives ‘special status’ to Jammu
and Kashmir) are perennial targets of those who believe that appeasement is
real. Such claims reflect a total obliviousness of the historical context of these
policies. Article 370 came out of the extraordinary political, military and
legal circumstances of Kashmir’s accession to the Indian Union. Without it, the
National Conference would not have given its assent to the annexation of the
state, and without that assent, the Indian position would have been untenable. The
Instrument of Accession was not enough to ensure either legitimacy or order,
and negotiators in Delhi and Srinagar understood that a measure of popular
consent was needed that could be acquired only through political concessions. The
‘special status’ of Kashmir is not some inexplicable foolishness on Nehru’s
part; it is a hard-headed compromise based on recognition of the actual specialness
of the political situation. Muslim personal law is a product of the aftermath
of the Partition, when it was important for the Congress to demonstrate its
commitment to the principle that India was neither Pakistan nor Jinnah’s
version of Hindustan, i.e., to ensure that the Indian state did not belong to
any particular ethno-religious community. Moreover, given the horrendous
violence that had just taken place, it was necessary to reassure the remaining Indian
Muslims that they were safe in India, not just individually but as a community.
That reassurance was essential to the stabilization of the fledgling state and
its fragile institutions. </div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
The Muslim Civil
Code is quite rightly a contentious body of law. It authorizes the most
reactionary elements of Indo-Muslim society to speak for the community, and consequently
it infringes upon the rights of women as equal citizens of a democratic state. It
can also be argued, albeit tenuously, that a nationally-organized society should
have a uniform code of civil law. (Why? The assumption is reminiscent of the
case for a national language that was abandoned in 1965.) In any case, the
Indian Constitution unambiguously looks forward to a uniform civil code; religion-specific
legality was originally intended to be a temporary arrangement. But while the
activism of Muslims who want to abolish triple-talaq and reform unjust divorce
laws is entirely admirable, the professed sympathy of Hindus must be viewed
with great suspicion. Hindus can legitimately protest the plight of divorced Muslim
women only when they give up their own habit of turning away Muslim renters,
and are ready to welcome Muslim sons-in-law. Until then, they would do well to
examine the reactionary elements within their own civil code (there is a
considerable body of scholarship on this), to stop beating their wives and
bullying daughters who make their own sexual choices, and to insist upon the recognition
of marital rape as a criminal offense – none of which they are willing to do.
They might also try to understand that the reform of Muslim personal law will
become politically feasible – i.e., acceptable to those Muslims who are
themselves ambivalent about it – only in an environment of security and
tolerance, or in the absence of the naked hate that now runs casually through Indian
society and its public discourse. A beleaguered minority will cling to the
symbols of its identity even when those symbols are themselves oppressive. Not
even majorities are exempt from this dynamic: it is worth noting that the ‘reformed’
Hindu civil code became possible only when colonial rule had ended. Until then,
the most repressive laws and customs were zealously protected as markers of national
sovereignty, and even Vidyasagar found it necessary to oppose the Age of
Consent Act of 1891, which outlawed sex with girls under the age of twelve. </div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
For the
appeasement-wallas, there is also a constant accumulation of petty and local
complaints: about municipal authorities telling Hindus to desist from playing
music near mosques, state-subsidized Haj, government support for madrasas, Muslim
criminals who are supposedly protected by politicians, and the tendency of
non-Sanghi political parties to protect (occasionally) what are understood as
‘Muslim interests.’ They barely notice that Hindu pilgrimages are also
subsidized by the state, Hindu criminals also receive the patronage of
politicians, and that Hindus are louder and more effective than Muslims when it
comes to demanding that the state protect their ‘sentiments’ from assorted
insults. They forget that so-called 'vote-bank politics' - the articulation and protection of particular interests -
is the normal stuff of democratic politics, and not the equivalent of giving in to a foreign enemy (unless Muslims themselves are imagined as aliens) or some peculiar ‘pseudo-secular’
vice. Do Hindus not form 'vote banks' when they organize themselves by caste, class and language? Democracy without vote banks would require a level of individuated citizenship that does not exist anywhere in the world, let alone India. These complaints are typically accompanied by outrage at the plight of the
Kashmiri Pandits and religious minorities in Pakistan, the implication being
not only that the ill-treatment of Muslims in India (and Kashmir) is a
reasonable retribution, but also that Pakistan is the preferred model of the
relationship between the individual, the community and the state. For them,
democracy and politics – i.e., the need to work through constitutional means
and make concessions at the negotiating table – are weaknesses. They would
prefer that the Indian state simply bludgeon its way to produce the results
desired by ‘the majority,’ even if that means killing, terrorizing, disenfranchising
or expelling a hundred and fifty million people. Those options are still voiced
mainly as wistful fantasies and in private conversations, but the overflow into
the media and the street – slogans of ‘Pakistan ya kabristan’ (‘to Pakistan or
to the graveyard’) – <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>is already
apparent.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
‘Appeasement’ in
the Indian context is thus a fundamentally anti-democratic discourse in more
ways than one. It equates the citizenship – i.e., freedom – of a minority
community with an intolerable weakness of the nation-state. Any sign of the
political equality of the minority becomes not only a sign of treason (by
minorities and their sympathizers), but a sign of the superior power of the
minority, inverting the actual status quo in a perverse nightmare of Hindus ‘losing
control of their own country.’ The ultimate version of that nightmare is the
frequently-expressed anxiety about the ‘Muslim birth-rate,’ or the fear that
Hindus will cease to be a majority in India. Not only is this highly paranoid
and numerically improbable, it negates a basic principle of the liberal-democratic
nation state, which is that there can be no permanent majority and
minority. Today’s minority must, hypothetically, be able to become tomorrow’s
majority without nullifying the nationhood that is expressed in the state. If
that prospect is so horrifying that one would rather resort to ethnic cleansing
or invent a mythology of appeasement/treason, then it is necessary to ask what
kind of nation Hindus (or Israeli Jews who resent having to share their state with Arabs, or white Trump supporters who also complain incessantly about 'pampered' minorities and the 'neglected' majority) inhabit. An objectively
dominant majority that feels, acts and speaks in the mode of an oppressed and aggrieved
minority is one of the surest symptoms of fascism. It is a danger to itself as
well as to others, because its peevish violence inevitable rebounds against
itself, eroding its own democratic rights and freedoms. That erosion, in which the state has repeatedly compromised its own liberal principles at the behest of the majority, is where 'appeasement' is truly manifested in India.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
In this
situation, ironically, the fate of liberal democracy comes to rest more with
the minority, which is invested in it, than with the majority, which chafes
against it and longs for the unrestrained ability to coerce. The idea
that minorities are the conscience-keepers of liberalism has a history that
goes back to the early twentieth century. It has generated one of the roles played by Jews in American political life until the late 1960s, and as Faisal Devji has
pointed out, by Muslims at one point in the history of the subcontinent. I will
go a step further and suggest that democracy needs minorities to survive.
Majorities are thuggish by nature, undeserving of democracy and resentful of
it. They do not ensure the democratic rights of minorities; it is the other way
around. Freedom - understood as a rights-bearing relationship with the liberal state - is inherently a minority condition.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
April 18, 2017</div>
</div>
Satadru Senhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/01130077806377387996noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6906155419903605634.post-51302970014764473612017-02-09T22:02:00.002-05:002017-02-12T11:06:16.303-05:00Hometowns and ghost towns<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
Most modern
societies have a romance of the hometown: a place that ‘one is from,’ and that
serves as an anchor of reference and identity when one is adrift, happily or
unhappily. It – or rather, the idea of it – provides continuity when the spaces
and compartments we inhabit collapse or converge. In much of the world, the
hometown is detached from everyday life. It is a place that one has left
behind, and that functions as an identifier even when a
permanent return is unlikely. In the refugee and migrant worlds of India, Pakistan
and Bangladesh, for instance, hometowns have been not only the places left
behind as people moved in search of education, work, safety and nationalities,
but also the unseen places that parents and grandparents had once known. Such
hometowns – Pabna, Lucknow, Lahore – are constituted by the thinnest of nostalgia. A cousin of mine recently
crossed the India-Bangladesh border to see the ancestral family home in Dhaka (‘lost’
since 1947), could not find the building, went back disappointed, and only
later realized that he had gone to the wrong address. </div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
The American
hometown is less ethereal. It is a place that one has never left. Its heart is
the local high school, with its football rituals that one continues to attend
as an adult, and mascots that one continues to revere. Those who actually play football
or basketball expect to be recognized and flattered at the local hardware store
or diner, or to run the store itself someday. Students graduate from these
schools – which their parents also attended –<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>with the expectation that they will never leave town. Their circle of acquaintances will not expand much further
beyond those who are already their friends and enemies. They will, they hope,
find jobs or take over family businesses that allow them to marry and have
kids, to divorce and pay child support, to buy a home and a couple of cars, to
retire, sicken and die with dignity.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
That hometown is
easy to find but hard to hold on to. It is, one might say, a mythology of
community and reassurance in a vast, thinly populated land, where pioneers
could go only so far before needing to stop. The place where you stopped became
home: homestead, little house on the prairie, island in the wilderness, Mayberry, surrounded by the combination of emptiness and savagery that gives
shape and meaning to the settler colony. Unarguably, only a part of America has
actually lived even a portion of this dream, and today the hometown is more beleaguered than ever. The savages have multiplied
faster than the homesteaders, and the economy has moved to the wilderness of
university towns, coastal cities and foreign parts, demanding that people
follow. The wilderness is also America, a competing myth with its own power and
cruelties, but without that paranoid insularity.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
The American hometown
is a historical phenomenon. It is a product of datable, identifiable and
intersecting episodes in the recent past: industrial employment, unionized
wages, job security, home ownership and welfare assurance, brought together by the
New Deal, the Second World War, the unchallenged manufacturing hegemony of the
1950s, and the Great Society programs of the 1960s. These brave new hometowns
fattened on the mythical homesteads; the self-righteous and existentially
imperiled innocence of William Jennings Bryan became the images and soundtracks
of the multi-layered ‘security’ that was a central part of American ‘greatness’
at a particular moment in time, which was the Cold War.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
When the Cold
War economy unraveled, hometowns became unsustainable. High school degrees
became inadequate for securing jobs, and the self-inflicted injuries of the
Reagan era not only weakened the unions that had allowed white workers to live
middle class lives, but also began to gut the concept and institutions of
social security. It became necessary to contemplate Tom Joad all over again,
and this could only be a stepping down from greatness. People who should have
left found themselves unable to contemplate actually leaving, because they
imagined they would be leaving themselves behind, and because they were afraid
of where they might have had to go. Not surprisingly, it was in this period –
the 1980s – that the hometown was reified as a melancholy myth of an
endangered American identity: the subject matter of Bruce Springsteen’s songs,
charged with betrayal. Because that betrayed place had been more real between the
1940s and the 1970s than, say, in Bryan’s time, it was now that much more frightening
to see it turning into yet another American mythology of place: the ghost town,
in which you were the ghost. </div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
In the last
election, the ghosts turned out in force to vote for Donald Trump. In the
process, they aggravated the injury that their Reagan-loving parents had inflicted.
They did so for reasons that have to do with the nature of the hometown itself:
the security and superiority conveyed by the conviction of roots in the soil
and separateness from the rootless, and, of course, fear of being uprooted. They
did not just vote for a fascist leadership that is contemptuous of every
liberal safeguard within democracy; they revealed the Volkisch underpinnings and
fascist possibilities of an existentially insecure Homeland made up of hometowns, in which folksiness
is an established political idiom, indulged without reflection by liberals and
conservatives alike. </div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
The fetish of
roots and the folk’s fear of the unrooted is, of course, a common aspect of
fascism. It brings together entitlement and anxiety, typically expressed as racism,
because race is among other things a perceived relationship to place. Those who
are out of place, without a place, or indifferent to place are not only races
apart, but also racial enemies and enemies of race itself. Like any matter out
of place, they constitute dirt: the dirty Jew in Germany, the dirty Arab in
Israel, the dirty Mexican in the American southwest, refugees in upstate New
York, immigrants everywhere. And as dirt in the age of sanitation, they
are invitations to cleansing and other forms of intervention. As animals that
have wandered in from the wilderness, they threaten the hometown resident with
the prospect of invasion, or of having to enter the wilderness himself. It
generates music like “Welcome to the Jungle,” the Indiana redneck’s response to Los
Angeles. </div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
Along with the
fear of savages and animals, the prospect of being exiled to the jungle brings
the fear of emasculation. The narrative of the American hometown is a richly
gendered text, consisting not only of the culture of team sports, guns, pick-up
trucks (or muscle cars) and the predictable comfort of marrying your ‘high school
sweetheart,’ but also the ritualized expectation that you will, upon
graduation, become a newly-carded member of the same labor union to which your
father belongs. When these expectations and rituals become threadbare even as
mythology, the crisis of manhood takes the form of racist, homophobic and
misogynistic violence, and overrides rational calculations of economic and
political self-interest, not to mention ethical considerations and the niceties
of liberal democracy, which can only appear effeminate. It produces the compulsive bullying and the stormtrooper phenomena that Arthur Rosenberg identified, in 1934, as the essential ingredient of full-blown fascism.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
The citizen in
that mode of reaction functions as a <a href="http://www.bbc.com/culture/story/20170208-how-american-gothic-became-an-icon" target="_blank">modern peasant</a>, hostile to science, even
more hostile to the arts, resentful of educated outsiders and of education
itself. (The American high school is primarily a location of socialization, and
only secondarily of learning.) The modern peasant is, in one sense, a
contradiction in terms, but is actually a common creature. He or she retains
the provinciality of the peasant and the fetish of the soil, but it is now
national soil, and suspicious outsiders are national enemies. The forms of hate
remain familiar and assimilate the old, but the content is substantially new.
Hannah Arendt once remarked of European anti-Semitism that it was ‘not about
the Jews,’ indicating a difference between the ‘classical’ pogroms of rural
bigots and the nineteenth-century urban Gentile’s dislike of the emancipated
Jew. The new hate, she suggested, was more about the nationalizing citizen’s resentful
relationship with the liberal state and its allies. The particular target was
incidental. In present-day America, it would be inaccurate to say that the racism,
anti-intellectualism and gender norms of the hometown are merely byproducts of a
government policy or even a cluster of policies such as neoliberal capitalism;
they are imbedded in much deeper histories of the settlement of the continent.
But they are nevertheless intertwined with global economic currents that have
made the American hometown obsolete, and made it necessary for the peasants to
do what other peasants have typically done, which is to embrace the city. The
obsolescence of the hometown is inseparable from the reluctance of its denizens
to do move to where the colleges are, where the jobs are, where the strangers
and savages are. </div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
The American hometown
– which is not just a place, but an idea in which Trump and Springsteen are
both complicit – is not a benign sentimentality. It is a nostalgia of arrested development, intertwined with white
privilege, violent masculinity, and the fundamentally unreasonable and
unhealthy refusal to grow up and leave home. There is something
pathological about a political reality in which adults who cling to their high
school selves vote for a man who consistently behaves like a spoiled child. It
is, after all, not rational to confuse cities and the wilderness, or to expect
that manufacturing jobs that have disappeared due to automation will return if
foreign-made products are hit with tariffs, or to act as if the mass
deportation of undocumented aliens will help unemployed Americans who do not
want to pick oranges or drive cabs. It is irrational to be terrified of Muslims
when the overwhelming share of the killing in this country is done by
Christians, and by the police. Rationality in political decision-making may be unfashionable
and ‘elitist’ (on this point, there is a perverse agreement between the far
right and the post-modern left), but if we are going to have a modern state, then the primacy of verifiable information over
‘feelings’ in governance is an essential hedge against fascism. </div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
February 9, 2017 </div>
</div>
Satadru Senhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/01130077806377387996noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6906155419903605634.post-58401210518354439822016-11-19T21:11:00.001-05:002017-01-21T07:59:40.532-05:00Some of my best friends are white<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman";">So much has been written and is being
written about why Donald Trump won the 2016 election that I do not think I can
add anything original. Nevertheless, at times like this, there is an irrepressible
need to shout, if only to remind yourself that you are awake. I will,
therefore, shout briefly about what we in this country stand to lose, and about how we – the non-white minority – can retain some form of kinship with
those who voted for this calamity.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman";">That it is a calamity is undeniable. It
is no use arguing that Trump’s declared agenda is just campaign rhetoric, or that he
will be mellowed by power, or restrained by conscientious colleagues, or
disciplined by the responsibilities of governance. With both houses of Congress,
the White House and the Supreme Court in Republic hands, and most of the
Republican Party cynically (and predictably) falling in line behind Trump, there will be little
meaningful restraint. It is equally pointless to suggest that Trump is actually
a moderate who was merely playing to the gallery. He is mainly empty: an
unprepared and narcissistic novice without a secure political base, who will – out of necessity –
surround himself with men whose agendas are quite real. The administrative team
that he has already appointed – men like Steve Bannon, Jeff Sessions and
Michael Flynn, with their undisguised virulence – has already confirmed that
the next presidency will be at least as destructive as that of George W. Bush.
Indeed, it will almost certainly be worse.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman";">Overnight on November 8, a hundred years
of small political victories and major civilizational gains were placed before the
axes of barbarians who are, one can assume, themselves astonished at their good
fortune. On the chopping block: the gains of the Progressive era, the New Deal,
the Great Society, the Civil Rights Movement and the Women’s Movement. More precisely,
we stand to lose the regulatory state that has provided us with clean air and water,
ensured the safety of toys and automobiles, protected public lands from despoliation, and given meaning to the very concept of public resources,
including the idea that the state is a public resource. The incoming regime has
already promised to dismantle the Environmental Protection Agency and to back
out of international anti-pollution accords. Drilling in the national parks, coal-fired power plants, and all-you-can-use lead paint cannot be far behind.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman";">On the chopping block: the welfare state that
has its origins in the great white crisis of the Depression, and that has, ever
since, provided Americans with a safety net of unemployment benefits, health
care and security in old age. That state has ensured that although there is poverty in this country, children rarely starve or freeze to death
anymore, or die on the doorsteps of the hospital. That state has also
concretized the idea that the individual is not an atomized subject who is
solely responsible for his successes and failures, but a member of overlapping
communities of citizens, with all the advantages and disadvantages that
membership involves. It has functioned as the representative of the national community
in the life of the individual, underlining the principle that ‘society’ includes
a relationship of support between the community and the individual. Now, to
borrow a line from Margaret Thatcher, we stand at the threshold of a state
premised on the notion that there is no such thing as society.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman";">On the chopping block: the painfully won
edifice of civil rights, the central moral narrative of twentieth-century America.
White supremacy is the basic platform on which Trump was elected. His slogan ‘Make
America Great Again’ is a direct offshoot of the Tea Party’s narrative of ‘taking our country back,’ i.e., the reclamation of the White House from a black man. When
was America last ‘great’? It was, of course, in the time of Ward Cleaver, cars
with tail fins, and a distinctly white-southern form of Americana: uniformly
white faces at the drive-in theater and the chrome-plated diner. What is it
about the 1950s that so much of American nostalgia revolves around this decade
of corn-syrup well-being? Some of it has to do with prosperity and unionized
manufacturing jobs, no doubt. But it is also the moment before the Civil Rights
Act and federally protected voting rights, before Cesar Chavez and Chicano activism, before Muhammad Ali, before
women bosses, before the Stonewall riots, before Third World immigrants, and before the Bates motel became a Patel motel. Those who think the 1950s were ‘great’ exhibit not just
an economic nostalgia, but nostalgia for a racial order. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman";">For the ‘white working class’ – which is
not so much an economic status as a cultural identity – that supported Trump, ‘feeling’
economically insecure was inseparable from the intolerable insecurity of what we loosely call diversity. Voters who had no
intention of picking oranges or washing dishes for a living supported a
candidate who insisted we need a wall to keep Mexicans out, and to deport them <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">en masse</i>. Anti-immigration politics is almost
always a racial posture, not an economic one.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman";">Trump’s loudly articulated threats
against Muslims reflect the same racial posture. Here, however, it is necessary
that we separate the red herrings from the rotten fish. The aspect of the new ‘Muslim
policy’ that has got the most publicity is a vague plan to subject Muslims to
registration. Accompanied by explicit references to Japanese internment and the
possibility that Muslims might be required to carry documents identifying them
by religion, it has naturally raised the specter of families being herded into
camps, and the Nuremberg laws. Those particular dangers are, I think, not
especially acute. The rhetoric of dramatic new forms of registration and detention
is for the most part a ritual of victory and a tactic of racial intimidation: a celebratory
experience of hate speech without repercussions. The history of first-wave
fascism is unlikely to repeat itself so exactly, and Japanese internment is not
the most relevant model for what awaits Muslims in this country. The more reliable
models are Guantanamo and the ‘black sites’ that spread like an American fungus
after 2001. It is easy for liberals to forget that registration of Muslims – in
the form of secret ‘no fly lists,’ police surveillance and FBI watch-lists
– already exists. In the age of electronic data collection, these can be more
subtle than garish yellow stars of David, and we can reasonably expect that they
will be expanded.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-left: .5in;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman";"><span style="mso-tab-count: 4;"> </span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman";">When we see the Trump phenomenon as a dramatic
departure from existing political norms, we sometimes miss the powerful
currents of continuity that link it to the ‘War on Terror.’ It is, for
instance, shot through with the same vision of racialized enemies who must be
confronted both abroad and at home, and that was normalized not only through
the news, but through television shows like <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">24</i>
and <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Homeland</i>. It exhibits the same
indifference towards legal and constitutional niceties. Trump may want to bring
back the use of torture, but torture never fully went away. It was merely
suspended, by a sort of gentleman’s agreement within the US government that has
now been jettisoned by people who are uninterested in being gentlemen. When
Barack Obama declined to prosecute CIA employees and members of the Bush
administration for torture, he left the door open for future governments to resort
to waterboarding and worse, unobstructed by legal judgments or the fear of punishment.
America – in the sense of a racialized national-security state – invested in
Trump well before the election. He did not come out of the blue. He came,
rather, from the cracks that have been deliberately maintained within American liberalism,
and that have produced different strains of fascism at different times. It is
worth remembering that fascism is not the polar opposite of democracy,
especially after 1945. It is a tendency within democracy, based on the same
valorization of the majority.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman";">In these circumstances, we – minorities –
can expect difficulties that are only partly unprecedented. We can expect intensified
police violence, more harassment by government bureaucracies, confrontations in
the streets and schoolyards with racists engaged in taking their country back, and
the infringement of voting rights. Usually, the frequency and seriousness of
these problems will depend upon who we are, where we are, who we are with, and how
much money we have. Sometimes those things will make no difference. Some of us
will have to live with an intensified fear of deportation or imprisonment. Some
will lose their jobs. Some will be ‘registered,’ blacklisted
or tortured. Some of these problems we will share with our white friends and
colleagues; others will be ours alone. Dealing with these realities will
require resilience and extraordinary political intelligence. I do not think
anybody knows how it can be done. We have only begun to dread and to steel
ourselves.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman";">I will, accordingly, say nothing about how
to resist, or how to ‘take our country back.’ I will instead say a few words
about survival and sanity, and about community. There has been some talk – mainly
from the stunned governing establishment – about ‘unity’ and ‘coming together
as a country.’ This election, however, has forced us to look at our white
neighbors a little differently, or at least, warily. I do not mean neighbors
who scream racist epithets at black passers-by or attack hijab-wearing women on
public transportation. Few of us have any desire to ‘unite’ with a
lynch mob, although readers of Günter Grass and Hanif Kureishi know
that the line between an assailant and a defender in a racist society is not always a sharp one. I
mean the nice ones, who greet us by name when we walk into their pizzerias and take
care of our children when we drop them off at school. Are they, or are they
not, a part of the mob? We are quite aware that more than a few of them
voted for Trump. They are, in fact, aware that we are aware; they do not want
us to think of them as racist, and fall silent – out of courtesy! – when we
walk in on their celebrations. For those of us who live outside the blue
enclaves of the major cities, especially, they are woven into our communities,
as much as we are woven into theirs. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman";">On the one hand, we can allow that many
white voters may have followed their ‘economic anxieties,’ or their feeling of
‘being abandoned’ by mainstream politicians (much-noted by the media after the
election), or their desire to ‘try something different,’ whatever that means. We
can accept that they did not connect the dots. We can allow that they were merely
being stupid, because there is no better word for ‘trying something different’
without knowing what that ‘something’ is, or for believing that Donald Trump, of all people, is a friend of workers who want unionized jobs and an enemy of corruption. But on the other hand, we cannot
ignore the reality that our white neighbors voted for a man who had the
endorsement of the KKK. (When was the Klan last a factor in a presidential
election? We would have to go back to the era of Woodrow Wilson.) Trump’s
racist rhetoric did not bother them; they were able to see it as unimportant.
The racial violence on display at his rallies, which he never repudiated, did
not trouble them either. The young black protesters who were manhandled and
abused by mobs confident in their strength of numbers did not matter to them.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-left: .5in;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman";">To live alongside such neighbors is the
necessary lot of minorities in any democratic nation-state. I will therefore
make a counterintuitive suggestion: counterintuitive, because it flies in the
face of the heroic-defiant exhortations to fight in which we are now indulging,
and which are undoubtedly necessary. Let us give our neighbors the benefit of
the doubt. Let us accept that most of them were not thinking about you and me
when they voted. Let us accept that although they think Mexicans are our
misfortune, are afraid of black people, and believe Muslims have no place in
American society, they think <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">we </i>– their
co-worker, or son-in-law, or even their friend – are okay. They can, on occasion, almost forget
that we are not white. In other words, let us accept the ‘some of my best
friends are Jews’ argument against the charge of anti-Semitism. But first, let us think about
what that argument means.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-left: .5in;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman";">People who think that immigration is a
problem, but are nice to you, an individual immigrant, are making an exception.
They will make that exception only as long as you do not challenge them beyond
a certain point, i.e., as long as you are tactful and grateful, and accept the
fundamental inequality that comes with being a minority in a democracy. But it
does mean that they are able to make exceptions for individuals, and thus – in moments
of forgetfulness, so to speak – to disaggregate the monolithic categories that constitute
their world. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman";">I want to suggest that the ability of the
racist to make exceptions for neighbors and coworkers is not altogether a bad
thing. It can function, and does function, as a mode of coexistence in
majoritarianism. This is especially true when democracy has dispensed with
liberalism. Even liberalism was always a self-contradictory ideology: in <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">On Liberty, </i>John Stuart Mill found it
necessary to insert caveats that made it clear that in a world premised on
equality, some people must be less equal than others. Moreover, as an
ideological system, the multi-ethnic nation-state has its own inherent
conflicts: whereas the liberal state is premised on the equality of all
citizens, the idea of the nation inevitably becomes racialized and implies that
‘other’ races – i.e., other nations – have a lesser claim upon the state. This
is a predicament we call ethnocracy, or the complication of liberal democracy
by ethnic nationalism. America is not formally an ethnocracy, but in reality it
cannot avoid the idea that some ethnicities are more American than others.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman";">‘Muslims are nasty, but not you, dear
neighbor,’ is a way of managing those contradictions. It is bad ideology, in
the sense that it is both intellectually and ethically flawed. It leaves the
door open for discrimination and deportation. But it is also deeply human,
allowing for personal affection, friendship, protectiveness, and even tolerance
– not so much their tolerance of us, as our tolerance of them.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman";"><span style="mso-tab-count: 2;"> </span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman";">Such flawed tolerance produces space
within which we can live on an everyday basis. It also produces space within
which we can organize and fight – not always with the brashness of militants,
but with the guile, tact and humor of minorities in any majoritarian political
order. It produces space within which we can teach – and I say this not just as
an educator, but as a liberal who believes that if you can make an exception
for me, you can <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">learn</i> to become
uncertain about the category itself. That is undoubtedly somewhat wistful, but
the wistful is a necessary component of any progressive politics.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman";">Finally, such tolerance produces space within
which we – minorities – can do some introspection of our own, and become alert
to our own prejudices and hierarchies: how we treat women, homosexuals, other
minorities, the poor, and anyone who is less powerful than we are. We can, in this space,
become aware that power is not a black-or-white, constant, consistent thing
that you either have or do not have. Power fluctuates with every interaction
and change of context. It is not a bad thing to <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">learn</i>, ourselves, from the experience of being at the receiving end.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman";">November 19, 2016 </span></div>
</div>
Satadru Senhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/01130077806377387996noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6906155419903605634.post-31673131657248362142016-10-25T22:35:00.001-04:002016-10-26T21:46:45.096-04:00Surgical Strike!<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<br />
<div style="text-align: center;">
<u><span style="font-size: large;">Indian Militarism in a Historical Perspective</span></u></div>
<div style="text-align: center;">
<br />
<div style="text-align: justify;">
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After the
Pakistani surrender in 1971, Mrs. Indira Gandhi remarked that it was the first
victory of Indian arms against a foreign power in two thousand years.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6906155419903605634#_ftn1" name="_ftnref1" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn1;" title=""></a>
The earlier victory, presumably, was Chandragupta Maurya’s success against the
Seleucid empire in 303 BC. This was bad history for various reasons, but it is
not that history that concerns me here. It is, rather, the peculiarity as well
as the universality of the modern Indian relationship with military power, and
the place of militarism in Indian democracy. As a nation-at-arms, modern India
is a case study in desire and distortion. This has been the case, arguably,
since 1882, when Bankim imagined an army of patriot-sannyasis as not just the
defenders but also the core citizenry of a disciplined, technologically capable
nation. Bankim foreshadowed Mrs. Gandhi’s view that war and victory constituted
restoration to history itself; both the writer and the prime minister saw this
restoration as the realization of modernity. In the past few years, however, the
sharpness of the desire for a militarized subjectivity has gone far beyond the
fantasies of Indian nationalists of the period before 1947. In a country where
the military had a low profile even after independence, and the sight of olive
uniforms was a sign of extraordinary disorder, the soldier has become a highly
visible public icon. A rampant militarism has called into question the very
project of modernity that was championed by the ideologues of the Indian state.
</div>
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<br /></div>
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The surreal
spectacles of belligerence that have become an everyday reality in India evoke
the ‘alternative modernities’ posited by the Israeli social scientist S.N.
Eisenstadt. On the one hand, news anchors on television channels catering to
middle-class viewers have donned flak jackets and turned their newsrooms into ‘war
rooms,’ where they do battle with Pakistan, Kashmiris and assorted
‘terrorists.’ On the other hand, villagers (also conscious of video cameras) recently
placed the body of a dead Hindu – accused of lynching a Muslim for having beef
in his refrigerator – in a coffin draped with the national flag, simulating a
military funeral. They were affirming, not denying, the dead youth’s complicity
in the murder. Cricket stars and Bollywood celebrities thank the army at every
public function, and declare their willingness to die if the government would
only give the order. An esoteric term like ‘surgical strike’ has become part of
Indian popular culture, overflowing the circle of English literacy. (There was
a time when ‘surgical strike’ implied that doctors at AIIMS had stopped
working, Dilip Menon recently joked.) So has the distinctly pre-modern word ‘martyr,’ translated without
irony from the Islamicate <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">shaheed </i>and<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"> </i>used religiously to describe dead
soldiers of either the secular republic or Hindu Rashtra. In more forums than
ever before, the Indian soldier has become an object of reverence, and the
military a sacred icon. Criticism of the armed forces and skepticism about
surgical strikes have acquired the status of blasphemy: television
‘personalities’ scream at the blasphemers, self-appointed public watchdogs
threaten them with prosecution or more summary forms of justice, and editors
and vice chancellors have taken it upon themselves to police disrespect for
‘those guarding our borders.’<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6906155419903605634#_ftn2" name="_ftnref2" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn2;" title=""></a> </div>
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<br /></div>
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The element of
self-appointment is crucial. Good citizens have stepped forward to defend the
honor of the Indian soldier with such enthusiasm that the state and government
have faded into the background, leaving a mob that imagines itself as the
nation. I do not mean ‘mob’ merely in the generic sense of an unruly crowd,
although I am not excluding that meaning either. I am, rather, using the word
in the sense in which Hannah Arendt used it in <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">The Origins of Totalitarianism, </i>to describe a racist political community
that cuts across economic classes and acts in the name of the state.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6906155419903605634#_ftn3" name="_ftnref3" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn3;" title=""></a> As
the mob has adopted the Indian military, Indian militarism has itself been
transformed. It has become a phenomenon that is only apparently outward-directed
and concerned with what we generally understand as ‘defense’ in a world of
nation-states and national interests. The new function of the militarily
assertive state in India is to maintain a condition of national war, or a civil
war that gives meaning to the nation, within a diffuse theater of power that is
generally described as ‘the border.’ Militarism in India operates with
reference to established global models of modern statehood and international
competition. Its primary product, however, is a local, historically specific, gap
between the Indian nation and the Indian state that secretes not only the
rationales and methods of majoritarianism, but also a fascist relationship between
the state and the citizen, with all the intimacy and violence that relationship
implies.</div>
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<br /></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: center;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;">Global Templates</b></div>
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<br /></div>
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It may be useful,
at the outset, to outline the contours of militarism as a historical
phenomenon. Militarism is not simply enthusiasm for military action; nor is it
limited to the role played by the military in the conduct of state policy. It
is quite different from the ‘warlike’ reputation of tribes or the ‘martial’
pastimes of feudal aristocracies. It is, first and foremost, an aspect and
associate of nationalism: a vision of the military as an extension of the Self
of the self-identified patriot, and as a facilitator of the will of the citizen.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6906155419903605634#_ftn4" name="_ftnref4" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn4;" title=""></a> It
is also a perception of incompleteness. The nation or nationalized Self is
incomplete in some significant way, which can vary, but invariably completion
is imagined as the product of military power, or as military power itself.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6906155419903605634#_ftn5" name="_ftnref5" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn5;" title=""></a>
Militarism is, indeed, so intertwined with nationalism that it is impossible to
posit a line where one ends and the other begins, although it is not uncommon –
or inaccurate – to see the former as an excess of the latter.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6906155419903605634#_ftn6" name="_ftnref6" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn6;" title=""></a> </div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
Joining the
people, the army and the state in a triangle of mutually reinforced
sovereignty, militarism has its roots in eighteenth century Europe, where
Prussian royalty began dressing in military uniforms just when uniforms (and
uniform militaries) in the modern sense came into existence. Prussia was not a
nation-state, but its seminal place in early German nationalism can hardly be
overstated.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6906155419903605634#_ftn7" name="_ftnref7" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn7;" title=""></a>
In what Benedict Anderson described as ‘official nationalism,’ a monarchy
shoring up its sovereignty could seek to draw upon the desires of its newly
self-conceived ‘people,’ turning itself and its instruments – including the
army – into national icons.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6906155419903605634#_ftn8" name="_ftnref8" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn8;" title=""></a> These
Germanic roots became deeper and more complex in Napoleonic France, with its
cult of a national army that was also the national citizenry and a
revolutionary guard, simultaneously defending the citizen, exporting the
nation, and completing the revolution.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6906155419903605634#_ftn9" name="_ftnref9" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn9;" title=""></a></div>
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<br /></div>
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The longing for
completion, more pronounced in German nationalism than in the French (because
unlike revolution in France, nationhood in Germany was inherently Romantic),
gained more discursive flesh in Italy and Japan. In the former, national
liberation and unification were military accomplishments, and in the latter, the
consumption, display and projection of military power not only underlined the
nation’s breaking of geopolitical shackles imposed by history (generally) and
the Western powers (specifically), but its achievement of the ethos and aesthetics
of technological modernity.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6906155419903605634#_ftn10" name="_ftnref10" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn10;" title=""></a></div>
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<br /></div>
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In each of these
cases of militarism, and crucially in some others, colonialism added another dimension,
beginning with Napoleon’s expedition to Egypt.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6906155419903605634#_ftn11" name="_ftnref11" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn11;" title=""></a> That
dimension was race. Racism did not, of course, come fully formed into colonial
warfare; it was itself shaped by that bloody history.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6906155419903605634#_ftn12" name="_ftnref12" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn12;" title=""></a> As
scholars of settler colonialism have shown, the connection between war and whiteness
has a lineage that precedes Napoleon by at least a century.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6906155419903605634#_ftn13" name="_ftnref13" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn13;" title=""></a> There
is, however, a difference between the racism of settler militias and the
nineteenth-century phenomenon of metropolitan publics following the colonial
adventures of their armies, participating actively in those adventures, or
demanding such adventures, against a racially identified enemy. The latter,
while not fully separate from the former (especially in the American case), is
closely affiliated with the emergence of the nation-state as the center of
populism, and consequently, the cultivation of racism as a basic content of the
experience of citizenship, both in the sense of a horizontal community of ‘the
people’ and in that of a people represented by a particular state.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6906155419903605634#_ftn14" name="_ftnref14" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn14;" title=""></a> By
the middle of the Victorian century, for instance, the infrastructure of a
popular press was sufficiently advanced in Britain for the Indian Rebellion to
unleash not only a temporary orgy of violent fantasies about niggers and pandies,
but also a lasting culture of war memorials, boys’ literature and bad poetry.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6906155419903605634#_ftn15" name="_ftnref15" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn15;" title=""></a> The
Spanish-American conflict and the subsequent campaign to retain the Philippines
did something similar for the United States, effecting the transition from
Indian-fighting on an internal frontier to a jingoism that nevertheless
retained a strong trace of the former.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6906155419903605634#_ftn16" name="_ftnref16" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn16;" title=""></a></div>
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<br /></div>
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Arguably, by the
turn of the twentieth century, the militarism of what is generally regarded as ‘good
nationalism’ or ‘patriotism’ (Britain, the United States) had caught up with
the militarism of the ‘bad nationalisms’ (Germany, Japan).<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6906155419903605634#_ftn17" name="_ftnref17" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn17;" title=""></a> This
catching up is important, because otherwise we risk falling into a false
divide. That distinction between good and bad nationalisms, which is
essentially a separation between liberal-civic and ethnic conceptions of
nationhood, is not fully sustainable in most contexts. But if the ethnic Self
lurks not far below the surface of all nationalisms, including the avowedly liberal-civic,
it owes much to the emergence of a relatively homogenous militarism that was
ready for its global debut in August of 1914. This militarism proved durable
enough to recover from the shock and disgust – and even the ironic sensibility,
which is the deadliest antidote to nationalism – generated by the Great War.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6906155419903605634#_ftn18" name="_ftnref18" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn18;" title=""></a> </div>
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<br /></div>
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The mechanics of
this recovery are worth noting briefly. On the one hand, it was facilitated by
the rise of fascism, which revitalized not only the longing for wholeness that
had characterized the fantasy of national war, but also the mob-mentality that
characterized the chronic violence of the colony and the frontier, and at
wartime, the imperial metropole.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6906155419903605634#_ftn19" name="_ftnref19" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn19;" title=""></a>
This mob violence was inseparable from governance itself.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6906155419903605634#_ftn20" name="_ftnref20" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn20;" title=""></a>
On the other hand, the rehabilitation of militarism after the Great War was
facilitated by the Second World War, which restored and vastly strengthened the
concept of the good war, and wove war more tightly into the economic, political
and social fabrics of those very nations to which the enthusiasm for soldiering
and large standing armies had come relatively late. The full spectrum of
militarism, including the racist pleasures of colonial warfare, remained
available as culture and as policy to the post-Nazi nation-state. It could
undergo periods of decline, as during the ‘Counterculture’ of the late 1960s,
but rebound easily, as during the Reagan-Thatcher era and then the ‘War on
Terror.’</div>
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<br /></div>
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We must ask, at
this juncture, whether militarism is to be regarded as a default mode of
nationalism in the world after 1945, into which the Republic of India was born.
We can certainly find examples of anti-militarist nationhood in this period:
Japan and to some extent Germany, nation-states that were once saturated in the
glamor of military technology and the moral virtues of soldiering. Both
countries continue to maintain large and powerful military forces, but without
romanticizing war or nurturing a cult of the soldier. (The German case is
complicated by the four-decades-long partition into two ideologically opposed
states.) These, however, were very much the exceptions. If nearly all
contemporary nationalism is militaristic, then is there a meaningful phenomenon
called ‘militarism,’ or a ‘militaristic society,’ at which we can point? The
answer, as in questions about fascism in earnestly democratic states, is ‘yes
and no.’ No, in the sense that militarism is ubiquitous. But yes, in the sense
that it has not become equally central to the articulation of political community
everywhere. Moreover, even in those states where militarism is an obvious
element in national politics (the United States, France), it is restrained and
countered by a great variety of cultural, ideological and political mechanisms
that are rooted in the same classes that anchor nationhood and the nation-state.
These include not only liberal institutions such as the robust protection of free
expression, but also specific discourses – including historical ‘lessons’ such
as the Holocaust – and traditions of dissent, including irony and
individualism. Thus, when love of the military does assume a particular
centrality and threatens to overwhelm other constructions of the politically
engaged Self, it remains possible to identify, interrogate and even confront
the phenomenon.</div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
Superficially,
Indian militarism is similar to these ‘reformed’ militarisms, including the
post-WWII, post-Vietnam, American type.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6906155419903605634#_ftn21" name="_ftnref21" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn21;" title=""></a>
Indeed, it is often patterned after that model, with its exhortations to
‘Support the Troops,’ ostentatious displays of flags and ‘Semper fi’ stickers
on windshields, and apparently inexhaustible willingness to bomb Third World
countries. American militarism, however, rests very substantially upon a long
and broad-based tradition of actual military service. Multiple and overlapping
historical factors – old settler-colonial militias, Jacksonian frontier
democracy, the absence of a true peasant class, perhaps a Scots-Irish
enthusiasm for fighting, and certainly the twentieth-century history of
conscription – have ensured that in spite of the controversies over elite deferments
in the Vietnam years, military service in America cuts across classes and
regions and includes the militarists.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6906155419903605634#_ftn22" name="_ftnref22" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn22;" title=""></a>
Those who ‘support the troops’ often have relatives in the armed forces, and
the ‘Semper fi’ decal indicates that the driver is probably a Marine. In India,
on the other hand, peasants constitute the great majority of troops, while the
middle class – safe from conscription, which it sometimes fantasizes about but is
unlikely to tolerate – has provided the officers and the cheerleaders. It is,
in that sense, vicarious: removed from the actual military, and a compulsive
attempt to close that distance. </div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
That distance
cannot be closed by ordinary, prosaic means. While it would be uncharitable to
suggest that Indian militarists are cowards, afraid to do the fighting they
advocate, it is fair to note that military service does not fit the
professional, economic and status-based aspirations of middle-class India. They
have (to borrow Dick Cheney’s words) other priorities, which define them as a
class apart.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6906155419903605634#_ftn23" name="_ftnref23" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn23;" title=""></a>
The angst of incomplete citizenship that drives Indian militarism is located
partly in that gap, which must be filled in with extravagant gestures and wild
rhetoric. The gestures and the rhetoric have come to include a naked
intolerance of dissent that further erodes the already weak protections of free
speech – which, fundamentally, is minority speech and the minority condition
itself – provided by the Indian Constitution.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6906155419903605634#_ftn24" name="_ftnref24" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn24;" title=""></a> </div>
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<br /></div>
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The erosion and
the original weakness are part of the same trend: both are based on the
presumption that Indian nationhood is not only beleaguered and fragile, its
most appropriate remedy is the lock-step of military discipline. Thus, while
the current flowering of militarism in India is all too ready to take its
rhetorical cues from America, and shares the racist element within American
belligerence, it differs from the American model in that it is far more
ambivalent about democracy. On the one hand, it equates democracy with
majoritarianism. Militarism then becomes the defining stance of ‘the people,’
excluding its targets as well as its critics from the nation. On the other
hand, it sees democracy itself as a weakness in the nation. The military itself
then becomes not only the preferred model of nationhood, its worship becomes
the solution to the weakness exposed by democratic politics. In that sense,
Indian militarism is actually closer to ‘crisis mode’ militarisms elsewhere in
the world, particularly interwar Europe (where crisis was sandwiched between
two catastrophes) and Israel (where crisis is a chronic national ideology).
What we are seeing in India at the present time is a sharp movement in the
latter direction.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: center;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;">Early Indian Militarism</b></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
The perception
of incompleteness – the existence of an unacceptable gap between the citizen
and the soldier – is as old as Indian nationalism itself, but we can identify
three distinct phases, each producing a different key of militarism but also
drawing substance from earlier models and emphases. In the period between the
1880s and the 1940s, Indian nationalists had no army to call their own. They
were highly conscious that an army of at least two hundred thousand Indians existed
in their state, but it was not <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">their </i>state.
They were, moreover, excluded from that army by the colonial regime as well as
by themselves, through a combination of class, ethnic, gender and political
calculations. It was not an absolute exclusion: beginning in the interwar
period (and in some provisional cases, even earlier), limited numbers of
Indians began to enter the officer corps of the colonial armed forces.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6906155419903605634#_ftn25" name="_ftnref25" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn25;" title=""></a>
Also, mass recruitment in Punjab during the Second World War produced an unforeseen
phenomenon: the reconfiguration of demobilized soldiers – peasants equipped with
military training and infected with the ‘martial races’ ideology of colonial
ethnology<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6906155419903605634#_ftn26" name="_ftnref26" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn26;" title=""></a>
– as militias that played a major role in the Partition killings.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6906155419903605634#_ftn27" name="_ftnref27" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn27;" title=""></a>
But the Indian officers were few, remote, and politically contained by their
loyalty to the colonial power, and the World War II veterans were not only late
on the scene, they remained a mob that ‘respectable’ Indian nationalism was not
yet ready to own.</div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
Consequently,
when nationalist Bengalis, Maharashtrians and Punjabis imagined themselves as
soldiers, they had to operate not only outside the state, but also outside the
institutional realities of soldiering in India. They found their armies in the
realm of pure fantasy (as in Bankim’s novels), in admiration of Europe and
Japan, and then in the rag-tag revolutionary societies that began to appear in
India by the last decade of the nineteenth century. These pursuits were vexed
not only by their detachment from strategic and even tactical realism (and containment
within the domains of mysticism and adolescent play), but also by the total
failure to acquire the most basic requirement of an army: a substantial body of
troops. Not only did peasants – including those groups that joined the colonial
army – remain indifferent, the middle class itself was admiring but not
especially engaged.</div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
In the first
decades of the twentieth century, two new trends became evident. One was epitomized
by the formation in 1925 of the RSS, with its khaki uniforms, stiff-armed
salutes and parade-ground drills. Inspired by the feeder units of European militarism,
especially youth organizations like the Boy Scouts and the Jugendbund (the
early Hitler Youth), as well as older Indian educational projects like the DAV
and Ramakrishna Mission schools (which cannot themselves be termed
militaristic, but which emphasized disciplined masculinity and national service),
the RSS produced a level of membership, regimentation, structure and visibility
that swadeshi-era revolutionary groups like Jugantar and Anushilan had never
achieved. Just as importantly, RSS ideologues introduced an overtly racist way
of thinking about the Indian population, about Muslims, and about the role of
the nation-state in the management of enemies.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6906155419903605634#_ftn28" name="_ftnref28" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn28;" title=""></a> The
RSS could afford to be visible; it did not threaten the colonial regime. In
spite of the treatises on race and governmentality, its vision of an Indian
state remained curiously disconnected from any quest for independence. This was
still a fantasy of war, or playing soldiers, within a playground provided by
British rule, and it is only fitting that the soldiers resembled colonial
police constables armed with bamboo sticks.</div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
The other development
was the emergence in India of middle class men who did not (and usually could
not) join the colonial army but became visionaries of military professionalism.
Unimpressed by the secretive revolutionary societies with their ineffective
weapons and lack of a discernible strategic vision, these men – often boys –
borrowed the framework of the colonial state and its army, but imagined
themselves as its statesmen and generals. They were Romantics, in the sense
that they <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">felt </i>the need for military
power as a requirement of the nationally-identified Self, but they were also
rationalists, in love with technology and a chessboard vision of the world. Thus,
as early as during the Great War, a young Nirad Chaudhuri would haunt the
shipyards to inspect British warships, and studied the specifications of German
artillery.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6906155419903605634#_ftn29" name="_ftnref29" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn29;" title=""></a>
Torn between loyalism and rebellion but imagining both as
military-technological expertise, he began to hope that in the foreseeable
future, either the imperial or the national leadership would invite him into
its planning chambers. Others, like Rashbehari Bose and Taraknath Das, came out
of the revolutionary societies of swadeshi-era Bengal, but went abroad.
Traveling to Europe, America and Japan opened their eyes to a world of strategic
alliances and possibilities. Having escaped the cage of a colonized land, they
discovered a wider geography of oceans, navies, nation-states and
nationally-identified (but internationally engaged) expatriates and
revolutionaries. They became fascinated by the ongoing debates on military and
diplomatic policy, and admired those who were able to articulate coherent
visions of power-projection. The India they imagined and plotted for, however
ineffectually, was a player on that newfound strategic map, cooperating and
competing with sovereign powers and empires on terms that were not so much
equal as aspirational.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
Clusters of such
men – many of them students – gathered in Germany, Japan, Britain and the
United States. Their relations with the organized mainstream of Indian
nationalism could be tense, and a part of the reason lay in their obsession
with warfare. ‘They are all Nietzscheans,’ Lajpat Rai remarked in disgust after
meeting some of them in London after the Great War.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6906155419903605634#_ftn30" name="_ftnref30" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn30;" title=""></a> Some
of the ‘Nietzscheans’ returned to India and became well-regarded academics and
public figures. The sociologist Benoy Kumar Sarkar was the most prominent and
accomplished of these, and his career – until his death the year after Indian
independence – illuminates how they were simultaneously insiders and outsiders.
Sarkar was both avowedly patriotic and strikingly cosmopolitan, being literate
in multiple European languages and having spent many years abroad in the world
of sovereign states. He had an elaborate, complex vision of an independent
Indian state as an armed player in the world, and had worked out the policies
and strategies – domestic and foreign – that might allow a fledgling
nation-state to maximize its power.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6906155419903605634#_ftn31" name="_ftnref31" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn31;" title=""></a>
The particulars of Sarkar’s patriotism were, however, alarmingly alien to
nationalist politicians: he appeared to value the state over the nation. Nehru
knew Sarkar personally, but ignored him when it came to taking advice.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6906155419903605634#_ftn32" name="_ftnref32" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn32;" title=""></a></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
The ultimate
exemplar of such marginalized militarism was, of course, Subhas Bose, who
Sarkar idolized. Sarkar was convinced of the need for coercion in democracy,
and Bose’s commitment to democracy was even thinner.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6906155419903605634#_ftn33" name="_ftnref33" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn33;" title=""></a> In
Bose, we see a highly developed flowering of the strategic yearnings of Indian
nationalists who were not only located outside the colonial state, but were
also external to the priorities of the organized anti-colonial movement, which,
by and large, had not sought to challenge the imperial power on strategic
grounds. Bose’s appearance at the head of the Indian National Army, attached to
a government in exile and allied with Germany and Japan, came close to a
realization of the militarized nation-state, albeit one that was unconvincing
and abortive. His traversing of the continents – the treks to Afghanistan, the
Soviet Union and Germany, the epic submarine voyage to the eastern theater of
the world war, the crisscrossing of wartime Asia, the movement into Burma and
India, and finally the bomber flight to nowhere (which could be Taiwan,
Manchuria, Siberia, India or Japan) – was almost literally a projection of the
nation into the world of war, weapons and strategic maneuvers, and an
exhibition of mastery of those domains.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6906155419903605634#_ftn34" name="_ftnref34" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn34;" title=""></a> The
INA was on the losing side of the conflict, but for middle-class nationalists, it
was a far more satisfying approximation of a nation at war than the much larger
Indian Army or the ‘India’ that took its seat at the victors’ table in 1945. </div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
On the eve of
independence, therefore, Indian militarism had already diverged into two
streams. One was an explicitly Hindu channel, with the RSS as its climactic
product. It might be categorized as paramilitary rather than military in its
focus, in the sense that it was provincial, centered on the geography of the
national home rather than on a map of the world. The other was relatively
secular, stridently technological, and obsessed with locating the nation in a
world of armed states. Its great institution was the INA, which, for all its
military failures, was explicitly and recognizably a ‘real’ national army, and
as such, a facsimile of a disciplined, homogenous and horizontal national
community.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Its value to the Indian
patriot was that it not only functioned as a ‘clean’ counterpart of the messy,
embarrassing and apparently pre-modern politics of caste, religion and region
(which belied the very existence of the nation), but also that it allowed the
middle-class nationalist to claim the horizontal community of brotherhood or nationhood
as well as a vertical structure in which the commanders came from the existing
socio-economic elites. No challenge to that hierarchy was seriously
entertained. That, indeed, is part of the appeal of any national military,
which is simultaneously flattening and top-down, potentially revolutionary but
reliably conservative.</div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
In each stream,
two further patterns remained evident. One was a weak attachment to any functioning
Indian state. That state remained colonized, academic, fantastic or
‘alternative’: the longed-for place in the modern sun that was always beyond
the reach of the political machinery of nationalism. This predicament generated
the second pattern, which was a premium on frustration as a hallmark of Indian
militarism. To be a true believer in the nation-at-arms was to be convinced
that the nation itself was suffused with indifference, and that ‘politics’ –
effectively, the need to accommodate the agency of the masses – had encrusted
and handicapped the military potential of the state.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: center;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;">Wars of Frustration</b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
The next phase of
Indian militarism can be identified as the period between 1947 and 1998, i.e.,
the years between independence and the second set of nuclear weapons tests at
Pokhran. This is a paradoxical phase, because while an armed and sovereign
Indian nation-state was visibly present in that half century, the army itself
was not very visible, and the register of war-mongering was relatively muted. If
frustration with an elusive state is a key component of militarism in India,
such frustration was harder to justify in this period. It was, nevertheless, a
significant and revealing period, because it became clear that the mere
existence of a sovereign nation-state was not enough to generate the completeness
that nationalists longed for, even when that state engaged in fighting a succession
of wars. A gap remained between the state of war and the nationalist citizen.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
Part of the
reason for this unsatisfactory state lay in the nature of the organized
nationalist leadership. The Congress after the Great War was a political
machine, geared to win elections, holding together not only ‘the masses’ but
also vast feudal and business interests that were, by and large, insular and protectionist
in their outlook.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6906155419903605634#_ftn35" name="_ftnref35" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn35;" title=""></a>
Its leaders were quite aware that only a small part of their constituency ‘saw’
a world that was wider than India, or, at most, wider than the India-Britain
relationship. Indeed, as the organization became broader based, the leaders
themselves came from relatively insular, provincial constituencies. Their
priorities lay in management of nationally-deployed interest groups, not
‘national interests.’ Moreover, with Gandhi playing a dominant role in shaping
the agenda of activism, there was little room for military fantasy in the party’s
narrative. The obvious exceptions were Nehru and Bose, both of whom watched
world affairs closely and were convinced that the Congress needed a foreign
policy.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6906155419903605634#_ftn36" name="_ftnref36" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn36;" title=""></a>
But by the late 1930s, Bose (a misfit) had been pushed out of the party, and
Nehru – with his anti-fascist principles – found it increasingly difficult to articulate
a strategic position that differed significantly from that of the empire and
the colonial state. After 1945, Nehru had lost even his fascist enemies.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
The coterie that
inherited the administration of independent India in 1947 thus lacked any
militaristic credentials whatsoever. Not only were they removed from the
shorts-and-sticks displays of the RSS (which was, moreover, damaged by its
association with Gandhi’s murder), they were – as machine politicians – cut off
from the strategic enthusiasts. Moreover, they did not try hard to hide their
suspicion of their own armed forces, which had, after all, been the military of
the colonial state, deployed against the Congress itself as recently as the
Quit India Movement of 1942-44.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6906155419903605634#_ftn37" name="_ftnref37" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn37;" title=""></a> The
higher officer corps in that period was almost entirely carried over from the
pre-1947 period, and while generals like Thimaiyya and Cariappa – like most
Indian officers in the 1940s – were nationalists in their own right, they
remained tainted by their association with the colonial regime. They were, in
addition, known to be considerably to the right of the government, in the sense
that they were unsympathetic to its avowed objectives of socialism and
non-alignment. In the first years of Indian independence, with the civilian
institutions of governance still new and fragile, the possibility of a military
coup (as in Pakistan in 1958) was a real anxiety, and there was no reason for
the government to encourage a cult of the armed forces. This is precisely why
keeping the military out of public life was a widely accepted political norm,
one which the military itself came to see as a part of its ethos. The high
profile of a general (subsequently Member of Parliament) like V.K. Singh or G.D.
Bakshi (who retired to become a hawkish media star) in recent years has not
been the Indian norm; even the charismatic Sam Maneckshaw was more circumspect.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6906155419903605634#_ftn38" name="_ftnref38" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn38;" title=""></a></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
For all that,
Nehru and his colleagues were not averse to war, to the maintenance of armed
forces, to the discourse of military necessity, or even to the symbolism of
weaponry. Nehru signed the Armed Forces Special Powers Act, which gives
soldiers immunity from prosecution in civilian courts while engaged in
counterinsurgency operations. He accepted the ritual of Republic Day, when the
Indian state parades its tanks and missiles like the Maharaja of Patiala
parading naked and erect before his subjects. In spite of their political mismatch,
the first prime minister and the senior Indian Army and Air Force officers had
all wanted to expand the 1947-48 war beyond Kashmir.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6906155419903605634#_ftn39" name="_ftnref39" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn39;" title=""></a> They
were restrained only by circumstances beyond their control. Nehru had not
hesitated to deploy Indian forces to the Congo in a combat role as part of the
United Nations Katanga operations in 1961. The 1962 war was precipitated as
much by Indian recklessness as by Chinese ‘treachery.’<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6906155419903605634#_ftn40" name="_ftnref40" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn40;" title=""></a> It
is worth noting that India went to war far more often in that period than
subsequently. Indeed, if we count the military deployments, the numbers add up
quickly: the limited war with Pakistan in 1947-48, the so-called (and extremely
bloody) ‘police action’ in Hyderabad,<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6906155419903605634#_ftn41" name="_ftnref41" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn41;" title=""></a>
the annexation of Goa, the clash with China, the wars with Pakistan in 1965 and
1971, the ill-fated intervention in the Sri Lankan civil war, and the
counterinsurgency in the northeast that continues today. Indian military spending
until 1962 was modest but it was not inconsiderable, and Nehru gave every indication
of wanting to build up a credible structure of force, with the continuous
acquisition of modern weaponry from every available source.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6906155419903605634#_ftn42" name="_ftnref42" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn42;" title=""></a>
He was, in that regard, not entirely detached from the strategic fantasists of
the interwar years. </div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
Nehru’s enthusiasm
for military self-assertion, however, remained unconvincing. It was tempered by
his affiliation with specific ideologies – anti-colonialism, non-alignment, liberal
democracy, socialism – and by an apparent respect for international mechanisms
of conflict-resolution. Nehru the nationalist thus frequently came under the
shadow of Nehru the internationalist. That shadow may have been spurious,
because Nehru’s ‘internationalism’ is best understood as an attempt to shape a
world order in which the victims of colonialism – including India – had a voice
both within and without the established institutions. But militarism does not
permit a plurality of ‘victims’: there can be only one relevant victim of
history. The prime minister’s readiness to link India’s history and destiny
with those of others gave him his reputation as a naïve idealist who (unlike
Bose or Patel) lacked either a cold, clear sense of ‘the national interest,’ or
the toughness to pursue it.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6906155419903605634#_ftn43" name="_ftnref43" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn43;" title=""></a></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
Even the wars that
were fought in this period failed to produce a sustainable bellicosity. After
some initial coverage in the press, few noticed the IPKF deployment in Sri
Lanka: the long war was soon recognized as an embarrassing mistake, best ignored
until it could be wound down. The 1971 conflict, with its unambiguous victory
and successful defiance of American and Chinese pressure, generated much
exultation, but it was contained and curtailed by the very modest Indian media infrastructure
of the time. There was little in the way of television, radio had all the
charisma of a bureaucracy, the press was genteel, and nowhere was there a
financial incentive to turn war into culture. Moreover, Indian belligerence and
celebration in 1971 were both moderated by the particular discourse of the
conflict, in which the primary victim was not India, but another people. There
was, in other words, no conviction of ‘being wronged’ on which militarism might
feed and flourish, and victory produced no extended diminution of the political
domain in favor of the military. Indeed, barely a year after the Pakistani
surrender in Bangladesh, most Indians were more concerned with the turmoil that
would climax in the Emergency, than with any newfound fetish of the military.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6906155419903605634#_ftn44" name="_ftnref44" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn44;" title=""></a>
Even the Pokhran nuclear test of 1974 brought only a brief flush of muscular
narcissism.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
The earlier wars
were fought in an even poorer media environment than the Bangladesh conflict.
In 1965, Lal Bahadur Shastri did attempt to harness some populist zeal with the
<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Jai jawan, jai kisan</i> slogan, but middle-class
militarism is an attempt to claim soldiers for the modern community, not clump
them together with peasants. Shastri was operating within the old Congress mode
of building political coalitions in the agricultural heartland, not asserting a
modern state of war.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6906155419903605634#_ftn45" name="_ftnref45" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn45;" title=""></a>
Moreover, while the scale of the incompetence that every branch of the Indian
military showed in 1965 is only now beginning to emerge, even then the outcome
of the war was regarded with such ambivalence that only Shastri’s death saved
the government from having to answer the kinds of questions that had arisen
during the war with China three years previously.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6906155419903605634#_ftn46" name="_ftnref46" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn46;" title=""></a></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
Incompetence,
particularly the military variety, is more historically and ideologically
meaningful than incompetents are usually given credit for. The 1962 war was a
shocking spectacle of incompetence on all fronts: military, political,
diplomatic and bureaucratic.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6906155419903605634#_ftn47" name="_ftnref47" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn47;" title=""></a> The
incompetence was quite predictable, because war-fighting capability at that
level requires institutional maturity and, more nebulously and importantly, widely
disseminated habits and mentalities of modernity that can come only with
universal literacy, the dismantling of feudal economic relations, and an ethos
of horizontal community, i.e., equality. In India, fifteen years into independence,
none of that existed. Nehru was frank enough to acknowledge that he and his
colleagues in the government had been ‘somewhat amateurish.’<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6906155419903605634#_ftn48" name="_ftnref48" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn48;" title=""></a> That
amateurishness, which could be interpreted as either an incomplete nationhood
or as unfitness for statehood, was – and remains – <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>extremely difficult for Indian nationalists to
come to terms with. It was an unnerving reminder of older narratives of
incompetence, especially if one accepted the fable that the ‘last victory’ was
two thousand years ago. </div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
Moreover, the
Indian middle class was quite comfortable with its position of privilege in a
predominantly subaltern population, and had no intention of investing in the
modernity of social organization that gives a tiny country like Israel its
long-standing military advantage over much larger Egypt. In India, that kind of
modernity would have been revolutionary. It might have required the respectable
classes to make do without servants, or to eat with their servants, or to let
their daughters marry their servants (and by extension, to let their daughters
make other autonomous sexual choices). It is worth noting that the Indian Army itself
has steadfastly refused to give up the ‘orderly’ system, in which officers are
allowed to use enlisted men as their personal servants.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6906155419903605634#_ftn49" name="_ftnref49" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn49;" title=""></a>
(Even the Pakistan Army has given it up.) Those who celebrate the Indian
soldier have not found it necessary to intervene in something so normal.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
The nationalist
response, therefore, was to find scapegoats. In this search, the military – not
only the overt symbol of national sovereignty and potency, but also an
apparently permanent institution – fared better than the elected government, which
was compromised by its transient and political nature. A few generals who were
known to be a favorites of the government could be included among the villains,
but otherwise the honor of the ‘martyred’ soldier had to be salvaged with
narratives of political ineptitude, weakness and treachery that are as old as
nationalism itself, and that have historically surfaced (“we were made to fight
with one hand tied behind our back,” and so on) whenever nationalists have had
to deal with the inadequacies of their martial mythologies.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6906155419903605634#_ftn50" name="_ftnref50" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn50;" title=""></a></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
The second phase
of the nation’s relationship with the military thus had the quality of an
unfinished product or a stunted animal. Having got their state, their army and
their wars, those patriots who had longed for a militarily assertive
nation-state found that the nation, the army and the war-fighting state were
not coterminous. In the absence of conscription or mandatory military service,
the wars entered into by the state were far from being everybody’s wars. On the
one hand, the military and the nation could be insulated from unsatisfying
wars. On the other, that possibility of insulation made all wars fall short. Moreover,
while Hindu rhetoric was not entirely missing from these wars (Indira Gandhi’s
depiction as Durga in 1971 is the best known example<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6906155419903605634#_ftn51" name="_ftnref51" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn51;" title=""></a>),
there was no sustained attempt to link the conflicts to a discourse of Hindu
victimhood or revenge. Even in 1971, the potentially explosive fact that
Bengali Hindus were disproportionately targeted by the Pakistani military was
carefully downplayed by the Indian government and news media, not least because
it would have unleashed a revenge narrative that was at odds with the
priorities of the Indian state.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6906155419903605634#_ftn52" name="_ftnref52" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn52;" title=""></a> But
if these ‘shortcomings’ were a source of frustration for those who wanted a
different kind of militarized nationhood, it must be remembered that
frustration only intensifies militarism and gives it new facets. For the
middle-class patriot in the 1990s, therefore, not only had the Indian/Hindu
nation not fully realized itself through its army and its wars, the failure was
inseparable from the emerging narrative of the ‘pseudo-secular’ state and its
politics of ‘minority appeasement.’</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: center;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;">Mind the Gap: Militarism in the Age of
Hindutva</b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
The third phase
was announced by the nuclear tests in 1998. The tears of joy on the face of the
Home Minister, the jubilant crowds of men in the streets of provincial towns and
major cities, and the sadhus performing Hindu religious rites near the test
site (in celebration, not penance, lest anybody be confused), all broadcast on
television, belong firmly within the militarism of the present day.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6906155419903605634#_ftn53" name="_ftnref53" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn53;" title=""></a> They
were, if not its starting point, its inauguration. The mini-war in Kargil,
which came along conveniently the following year (a gift from the Pakistani
military leadership), cemented the new model, giving us the now-familiar
spectacle of television anchors posing with artillery units and playing the hyperventilating
war reporter, twenty-four-hour footage of fighter planes taking off between
advertisements for cheap motorcycles and skin-whitening cream, retired generals
giving blood-curdling lectures to IIT students, and personalized
stories of ‘martyrs’ and ‘heroes’ who multiplied and morphed into celebrities,
to be appropriated by celebrities from the world of entertainment.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6906155419903605634#_ftn54" name="_ftnref54" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn54;" title=""></a> The
soldier, the reporter, the scientist (Abdul Kalam’s status as the ‘good Muslim’
who is good because he is a missile engineer who wrote bad poetry about nuclear
weapons began at this time<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6906155419903605634#_ftn55" name="_ftnref55" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn55;" title=""></a>),
the celebrity, the politician and the viewer merged into a heady package of
feel-good citizenship.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
The critical
changes that enabled these developments are, at one level, structural and
easily identified. A post-1947 educational system that privileged first
engineering and then business management had, by the 1980s, produced a middle
class that valued technocracy and efficiency of command, and was essentially
illiterate in the humanities and social sciences, seeing these not only as frivolous
and effeminate pursuits, but also as subversive of the fundamental mythologies
of nationhood. These included not only ‘great narratives’ like responsibility
for the Partition and the role of Muslim kings in Indian history, but also
lesser details like Kashmir’s place in the nation, and the definitions of commonly
used terminology like ‘terrorist’ and ‘national security.’ For this unevenly
educated class, the military – with its supposed efficiency, order and
technical competence – was the counterpoint not only to the dirt and corruption
of politicians, but also the ‘sedition’ of intellectuals.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6906155419903605634#_ftn56" name="_ftnref56" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn56;" title=""></a> The
unquestioning obedience and apparent self-sacrifice of the soldier, rather than
the treacherous speech of the campus radical, was the preferred mode of
citizenship. Obedience and hierarchy were long established norms within Indian
nationalism, but a liberal-humanist streak had nevertheless emerged.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6906155419903605634#_ftn57" name="_ftnref57" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn57;" title=""></a> More
compromised than liberalism inevitably is by other national, racial and
imperial priorities, it was a fragile but important component of Indian
democracy. That liberalism was literally educated out of the middle class (and
middle-class men in particular) in the three decades after independence, as
part of the quest for ‘development.’ When ‘security’ replaced ‘development’ as
the central narrative of the Indian state in the 1990s and 2000s, it found
ready acceptance.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
Even more
obviously, economic liberalization had expanded the scale and scope of consumerism
in India.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6906155419903605634#_ftn58" name="_ftnref58" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn58;" title=""></a>
A much larger middle class, for which consumption was the most immediate marker
of class identity, had sprung up, and shown itself to be highly interested in
consuming war. Although this class was made possible by the economic policies
initiated by the Congress in 1991, it quickly showed its greater fondness for
the BJP, and its growing size and appetite for consumption – which was more
than ever a form of speech, but unlike ‘free’ speech, compatible with
majoritarian and reactionary politics – kept it from becoming irrelevant even
when the BJP was out of office. Simultaneously and not coincidentally, the
media infrastructure – television in particular – had become vast, omnipresent,
and reoriented to sell everything that could be marketed, including,
especially, itself. As a part of this marketing, it sold America, or at any
rate, a version and aspect of America that also emerged in 1991, with CNN’s
coverage of the war against Iraq.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6906155419903605634#_ftn59" name="_ftnref59" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn59;" title=""></a> This
America, viewed in its own context, was grounded in the Reagan-era makeover of
the crises of imperialism generated by the Vietnam War. For Indian television
producers and audiences, however, it was a shiny, seductive and aspirational
vision of power undiluted by irony or self-doubt, in which images of missile
launches and unbloodied soldiers functioned as shorthand for having arrived at
the global shopping mall. Sometimes the soldiers were pictured dead, bandaged or
decorously boxed and flag-draped, but never in large numbers. The American
lesson from Vietnam came ready-made and packaged: the ‘martyr’ had to remain a
vicarious Self, distant enough and few enough to be quasi-fictional and
unthreatening. </div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
At another
level, the changes that made the second phase of Indian militarism possible are
ideological and harder to isolate. The new middle class was not fully separate
from the old, but it partially swallowed and digested its predecessor. In the
process, it produced bastardized versions of the strategic and military-technological
preoccupations that went back almost a century, and added the overtly
Hindu-nationalist and racist elements that had been contained within the
RSS-affiliated fringe. After 1998, when the BJP demonstrated its ability to
form and lead a governing coalition, the cult of the Indian soldier also became
an apparent reconciliation of the nation and the state. In this new political
environment, soldier-worship was a part of how the BJP differentiated itself
from the Congress and the Left parties. This was not so much the transcendence
of the ‘domestic’ agenda of Ayodhya and anti-Muslim pogroms, as its extension
to the domain of foreign affairs.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6906155419903605634#_ftn60" name="_ftnref60" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn60;" title=""></a>
It was, in that sense, the reconciliation of the RSS and INA streams of Indian
militarism, and a transition from the militarism of frustration to a militarism
of triumphalism. (It has become popular for the Hindu right to seek to co-opt
the INA itself, by describing it, rather than the Congress, as the true
precipitator of Indian independence.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6906155419903605634#_ftn61" name="_ftnref61" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn61;" title=""></a>)</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
The nature of
that triumph is highly ambiguous, because the nationalist understanding of
foreign affairs was itself transformed as a result of its capture by those who
had concerned themselves primarily with a different history. The older emphasis
on inserting the nation into a world of strategy and power that had its own
autonomous existence was replaced by a vision of the world as a theater of
Hindu-nationalist historical revenge: a delusional self-centeredness and
provinciality that would have been quite comical to Sarkar, Bose and their
contemporary advocates of Realpolitik in foreign policy. Moreover, it is
evident that some of the players on this stage have left the Indian state that was
acquired in 1947, and are looking for a posture of holding on. Provinciality,
thus, has had to find common ground with deracination. The consequence has been
a highly stressed nationalism that must protect itself from fragmentation by
posing with weapons and soldiers. It would be difficult to find a better
example of this phenomenon than the tendency of some Indian-Americans to see
Donald Trump as an ally, and the bizarre show they staged in Trump’s honor in
New Jersey. Indian dancers were ‘attacked’ by light-saber-wielding ‘terrorists’
speaking faux-Arabic, and rescued by American commandos, following which
everybody grabbed an American flag and did a Bollywood-style dance to Bruce Springsteen’s
“Born in the USA.”<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6906155419903605634#_ftn62" name="_ftnref62" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn62;" title=""></a></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
We have here what
is literally a new world: the distortion of the strategic globe into a flat
earth, or perhaps one of Eisenstadt’s alternative modernities. The performance in
New Jersey was not satire. Nor was it simply the muddled loyalties of
immigrants in an era in which concepts like ‘emigration’ and ‘immigration’ have
become obsolete, and ties to the old country are kept alive by frequent travel,
unbroken families, the Internet, globalized Bollywood and state-sponsored
schemes of dual citizenship. It represented, rather, the performance of a
nationalized subjectivity that needed the state (or multiple states) as a prop
and an embellishment, but was not wedded to any particular state, any more than
a peasant is wedded to a particular state. It is also representative of the hyper-nationalist
who has emigrated to an imperfectly understood world without actually leaving
home. The well-known NRI or Non-Resident Indian (affluent first-generation
Indian immigrants in the West, a key source of support for the Hindu right wing
in India) is paralleled by the less famous Indian in Gujarat and Haryana whose nationalism
is rendered desperate by his envy of New Jersey.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6906155419903605634#_ftn63" name="_ftnref63" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn63;" title=""></a>
His triumphalism is interwoven with desire for what one would like to purchase
but cannot afford, and he continuously becomes a cheap, distorted copy of the
foreign patriot.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
That distorted
and distorting foreigner, while generally American, carries more
purpose-specific passports as well. The most common such passport, for the
Indian militarist, is Israeli. This is not entirely new (Israel has long had
its Indian admirers<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6906155419903605634#_ftn64" name="_ftnref64" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn64;" title=""></a>)
but it has taken on a new dimension lately with the Indian prime minister’s
explicit mention of the Israeli military as a model for the Indian.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6906155419903605634#_ftn65" name="_ftnref65" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn65;" title=""></a> Israeli
references are important in Hindutva for many reasons, but two in particular
concern me here.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6906155419903605634#_ftn66" name="_ftnref66" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn66;" title=""></a>
One is the historical distortion that becomes inevitable when a nation of more
than a billion people, with deeply rooted and widely manifested traditions of
ethno-religious intertwining and coexistence, seeks to model itself on a
garrison state of six million that is also a settler colony, an ethnocracy and
an occupying power.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6906155419903605634#_ftn67" name="_ftnref67" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn67;" title=""></a> The
other is a political and ideological effect. Israeli militarism is, among other
things, the projection outwards of an enmity that is internal to the population
of the state. The Israeli outlook on the world reflects not only the Holocaust,
but also a paranoid expectation that ‘it could happen again,’ executed by
Palestinians or ‘Arabs.’<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6906155419903605634#_ftn68" name="_ftnref68" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn68;" title=""></a>
This expectation makes it virtually impossible for the Israeli state to operate
in the world in the mode of a normal power; it must forever function as a rogue
state (albeit with powerful friends), interpreting the world in the light of
its internal struggle. This predicament is an existential incompleteness: a gap
between the (Israeli) state that includes Palestinians, and the (Jewish) nation
that does not.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6906155419903605634#_ftn69" name="_ftnref69" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn69;" title=""></a>
As noted earlier, a similar gap between the nation and the state has long
marked Indian militarism, and functioned as a source of frustration. Now,
however, it is functioning as the norm. The gap is there to be maintained, and the
state is there to preserve it. We can say that the gap between the nation and
the state has been closed in India only in the sense that the state now manages
the gap. </div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
The gap can
manifest itself as a strategic space, a state of exception, a campus, or
Kashmir.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6906155419903605634#_ftn70" name="_ftnref70" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn70;" title=""></a>
It is the space in which Muslims must live (or conversely, be discouraged from
renting or buying a home) as aliens and racial inferiors; it is also the space
in which Hindus can maneuver between being global citizens engaged in something
as cosmopolitan as the ‘war on terror,’ and being ethnic nationalists who feel
oppressed by an ‘appeased’ minority. Within it, they can be citizens of a
constitutional democracy, but also seek to intimidate or lock up
‘anti-national’ scholars, and punish actors who refuse to come out as
anti-Pakistan.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6906155419903605634#_ftn71" name="_ftnref71" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn71;" title=""></a>
It can manifest itself as ‘the border’: a curious terminology, reminiscent of
the old American concept of ‘the frontier,’ that has come to permeate Indian
culture, from war movies (straightforwardly titled ‘Border’) to everyday
exhortations to remember that ‘soldiers are dying on the border.’ In the
makeshift modernity of the Indian nation, which never had borders before the
colonial state, the border is now everywhere. It is not simply where the Indian
state meets the Pakistani state. It is, rather, where the Indian nation that
has triumphantly taken possession of its state meets its inner, inescapable,
essential Pakistan. It has been remarked that the Pakistani state that emerged
in 1947 was so suddenly improvised that it had a magical, ethereal quality.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6906155419903605634#_ftn72" name="_ftnref72" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn72;" title=""></a>
It might be added that many Hindus found it considerably easier to realize
Pakistan: it was always next door, no matter where one lived. The border in
India is a state of mind, i.e., a norm of governance and citizenship.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
Signifying the
border has become the most specific function of the armed forces. The most
obvious site of this signifying is, of course, Kashmir, which has become not so
much a physical space as a toxic cloud of permissions, restrictions and
sentimentalities. Here, the state can torture, maim, kill and impose curfews
with impunity, because such governance is permitted by the special quality of
the national border. Criticism of that permission is immediately dismissed as
sentimentality, and this dismissal or silencing is made possible by the actual
sentimentality, which is the cult of the brave jawan. The belligerence with
which a talk show host insists that nobody can impugn the ‘honor’ of the Indian
soldier is derived from the same ‘border’ that nurtures (and needs) a Nehru-era
law like the Armed Forces Special Powers Act, but it is the extension of that
border into the living rooms of civilians. The safer those civilians are, the more
unsafe they claim to feel, and the more thankful they become ‘to those guarding
our border.’ Grateful patriots show their gratitude by assaulting a handicapped
cinema-goer who did not stand for the national anthem (a new requirement at
Indian movie theaters), and by demanding that such ingrates be arrested.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6906155419903605634#_ftn73" name="_ftnref73" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn73;" title=""></a> The
police have duly obliged, and their action defended by Bollywood stars,
because, well, ‘soldiers are dying.’<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6906155419903605634#_ftn74" name="_ftnref74" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn74;" title=""></a> A
concept like the ‘honor’ of the soldier, enforced by the civilian mob, becomes
utterly incompatible with democracy, although it may not be out of place in the
Klingon Empire. Yet it is precisely because democracy has put down tenacious roots in India that militarism is more dangerous there than in states where the army is in control. In India, the distortion of democracy comes from the people: i.e., from democracy itself.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: center;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;">Conclusions</b></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: center;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
Under specific
and unusual circumstances, usually involving catastrophic and total defeat in
war, nationalism can be purged of militarism. In India, such purging is
inconceivable, not only because India has not known war on that scale, but also
because India’s military engagements have been limited to the domain of the
state. The nation, meanwhile, has fought other wars: wars of desire for a
state, wars of strategic fantasy, wars of frustration, wars in khaki shorts,
wars with light-sabers, wars with kerosene cans, and wars of historical
compensation. It is the latter set of wars that convey the force and menace of
Indian militarism, and the implications of the new obsession with ‘security.’
That word no longer refers to a serious concern with war between states, or
even to ‘defense,’ which does not require a military fetish. It refers, rather,
to an agenda of ethnic domination and authoritarianism. The greatest menace of
Indian militarism is the lynch mob continuously demarcating its borders, demanding
and often getting the help of the state in locking a minority into the role of
a foreign enemy.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
In a society in
which nationalism has been a highly uneven phenomenon, meaning substantially
different things to elites, subalterns, provincials and emigrants, the idea of
the nation-at-war provides certain pleasures and reassurances: cohesion,
community, a modality of post-liberal citizenship and post-political
governance. It provides, moreover, a link between the nation one inhabits, the
state one does not confidently own, and the world one cannot fully inhabit.
Militarism welds together not only India and America, the neighborhood and the
border, but also the ‘strategic’ mentality of a Bose or Sarkar and the
provincial Hindu chauvinism of Narendra Modi. Both are authoritarian – and in
some regards, fascist – outlooks on power. But whereas the earlier militarism
came with the fantasy of a secular, modernizing state that might restrain and
retrain the mob, the other reflects a racist majoritarianism: the phenomenon of
the mob that wears the state as its badge. </div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
Enshrouded as he
is in a fog of insults and honor, the dying soldier has finally accomplished something
that eluded Indian nationalists for a very long time: the production of the
citizen-soldier, whose homes, streets, schools and movie houses are all the
national border. This citizen-soldier is a fake, in the sense that unlike the
Israeli and even the American civilian, he (and increasingly, she) does not
expect to join the army. But since the border (or ‘Kashmir’) is now everywhere,
he too is constantly engaged in guarding it. Even a cow-protection gang or a lynch
mob killing a neighborhood Muslim (who, ironically, had a son in the military)
imagines itself to be the Indian Army, fighting its local Pakistan. Like its middle-class counterpart, it is uninterested in fighting anything else, or even in seeing a world beyond this omnipresent 'Pakistan.' In that sense, it is part of the same mob.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
The consequences
of this militarism are, accordingly, both farcical and alarming. It is not
actually the case that the Indian state will go to war at any moment. Even
after the ‘cowardly terrorist’ incident at Uri, in which nearly twenty soldiers
were killed by four Pakistan-trained militants, the Indian armed response was
highly restrained: it consisted, at the most, of a shallow cross-border
commando operation. The Indian response to the Kargil incursion, too, was
marked by its restraint. What was not restrained was the cascade of moral
judgment (the ‘terrorists’ had to be ‘cowardly,’ lest the army be deemed
incompetent), and then the illiterate but quasi-American rhetoric of surgical
strikes, the gloating, and the display of public bellicosity. It is a
bellicosity that has both aided the state (that arrests and kills some people)
and been abetted by it (with the refusal to arrest or kill others). It has forced
the old-style military enthusiasts – who romanticized fighting machines and held
back from looking too closely at what the military was doing in Manipur and
Mizoram, but were nevertheless attached to a state that was secular, democratic
and inclusive – to share their platforms with the staggering coarseness of
those who see Muslims as the national enemy and racial inferiors. Indeed, the
former have yielded their platforms and their authority to the latter, and
increasingly there is no way to romanticize the Indian military without also
endorsing the rest of Indian militarism: Kashmir, AFSPA, mandatory patriotic
rituals, the beating and jailing of student activists, the cravenness of the
media, and of course the kerosene cans. </div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="mso-element: footnote-list;">
<hr align="left" size="1" width="33%" />
</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br />
October 25, 2016</div>
<div style="mso-element: endnote-list;">
<hr align="left" size="1" width="33%" />
</div>
</div>
<div style="mso-element: endnote-list;">
<hr align="left" size="1" width="33%" />
</div>
</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
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Satadru Senhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/01130077806377387996noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6906155419903605634.post-48093207954638227512016-08-15T15:03:00.000-04:002016-10-26T21:42:07.082-04:00Sport and Leisure in Modern India<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<br />
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: .5in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman";"><img alt="My photo" class="profile-img" height="53" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhqDltmctnbI6etMxG_5OKNl6xL0ONysdcrlnVdYp6gFeQJdeUs26_ZHt5IWSAvPY7sit1FTZE6snxNO8ICwwsEBeA-DRb7zKa2hIbZzCNBQRY_LV1PZ7W5SBEgJf6PD0xSd_5Da5F_pHNI/s80/imgp5732asm.jpg" width="80" />A great variety of activities might be
placed under the heading of “sports and leisure” in modern India. The variety
lies not only in the number, but also in the ways in which
these activities are organized, and in the fragmented concepts of sport, games, play and
leisure. Generally speaking, rituals that are recognized as “sports” are
bureaucratically and financially organized, affiliated with Indian nationhood, associated
with urban and upper-class populations, and – unlike “play” – associated with
childhood as well as adulthood, marking a bridge between the two that the
modern subject is expected not so much to cross as to inhabit. While this is
not peculiar to India, the Indian case illustrates the enormous gradations
within the process of sport-making that are inevitable in an unevenly modern
society, where language itself – the translation from the vernacular <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">khel </i>to the English <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">sport </i>– can disguise subtle and not-so-subtle differences between
what a “leisure activity” means to those who engage in it. At one level, the boundaries
and limits of the games Indians play, their “successes” and “failures,” are
closely aligned with those of being Indian in the world. At another level, they
function semi-autonomously of the world, as elements of a vernacular
subjectivity. This vernacular subjectivity should not be regarded as
anti-modern or a pre-modern residue. It exists in a state of continuous,
context-driven and mutual influence with the organized, nationalized, “properly
modern” world of international competition.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: .5in; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: .5in; text-align: center;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: "times new roman";">Colonial Origins and Indigenous
Experiments</span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: .5in; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: .5in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman";">Nearly all major sports that Indians play
and follow today – cricket, football (soccer), hockey, tennis, badminton,
competitive track-and-field – are colonial imports that came to India with the
consolidation of British rule in the nineteenth century, and were widely
absorbed as part of the nationalist response to British rule in the later
Victorian period. They were introduced by colonial educators to the children of
the princely and feudal elites of India, as part of an effort to bond those
classes to the empire after the Rebellion of 1857 had been crushed. Polo, which
had older roots in a wide region including not only India but Iran and Central
Asia, was transformed by British educators and army officers in the same
period, producing a modern sport with teams, standardized rules and norms of
training, that a tamed native aristocracy could play with its imperial
overlords. The enterprise was broadly pedagogical, teaching distinct models of
being a child (that played sports) and an adult (that continued to play the
same games, and valued childhood play as a building block of adulthood). As in
contemporary England, therefore, a close connection was maintained in India
between education, childhood and sport. Imperial children were encouraged to
play games that had more significance than mere “child’s play.” </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: .5in; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: .5in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman";">When it came to a wider popularization of
sports in India, however, the British were ambivalent and often hostile. Games
like cricket and football were closely tied to white racial identity. Not only
was it unclear that Indians could play them, it was also unclear that they
should. The Indian adoption of imported games in the late nineteenth century,
and their incorporation into a self-consciously modern subjectivity, were
therefore implicitly and sometimes explicitly defiant of colonial power
relations. To a great extent, this indigenized “foreign” games: learning and
playing them went hand in hand with the assertion of Indianness. </span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: .5in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman";">It is not that there were no alternatives
to English sports. The emerging Indian middle class, which became the
demographic of cricket, football and nationhood in India, knew that pre-colonial
sporting traditions could be found in what they were now describing as “Indian
culture.” Epic and folk literature contained voluminous accounts
of competitive archery and mace-fighting. These intrigued modern Indian
consumers of the past, especially those interested in discovering martial
traditions. Wrestling, which had an independent pedigree in rural northern
India, became a recognized form of exercise as well as a statement of militant
masculinity among middle-class youth, particularly in Bengal and Maharashtra,
as “Extremist” discourse and revolutionary terrorism became the major idioms of
nationalist politics. So did “stick play,” or mock-fighting with staves. During
the Swadeshi movement in Bengal in the years following the unpopular British
decision to partition the province, for instance, middle-class revolutionaries
like Pulin Das – taking their cues from the nationalist writer Bankim Chandra
Chatterjee – enlisted their social inferiors to teach them stick play, not so
much because they imagined driving the British from India with sticks, as
because such “play” was an experience of discipline, community and political
confidence.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: .5in; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: .5in; text-align: center;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: "times new roman";">Wrestling and Olympic Nationhood</span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: .5in; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: .5in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman";">Wrestling and other forms of
mock-fighting, did not, however, take hold as middle-class sports. Within the
vanguard of Indian nationhood, few practiced them, and none “followed” them in
the manner in which fans or supporters “follow” sports. They had none of the
dominant characteristics of modern sport: no organization, no financial base,
no modalities by which spectators and “fans” might identify with teams and
athletes, and no widely accepted connection with leisure. Moreover, while they
could signify an authentic Indian past, they proved difficult to recover for
the present. The skills were esoteric, fit readily neither into urban life nor
into the colonial school, and were tainted by their association with tribal and
lower-caste populations. They provided fodder for the romantic imagination, but
could not compete with the English sports that were securely anchored in the Macaulayan
curriculum of colonial subjectivity. The native elites were irrevocably
invested in that curriculum, in the sense that they had invested in the
adulthood and adult world that children educated in government-affiliated
schools were expected to grow into. They did not significantly deviate from it
when they created their own educational institutions, such as the Dayananda
Anglo-Vedic and Ramakrishna Mission schools for boys, or – in a parallel stream
of nationhood – Aligarh College.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: .5in; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: .5in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman";">At the same time, “recovered” forms of
play did not disappear altogether. Wrestling survived, and even thrived, in
arenas that were not initially intended for subaltern sports. The reasons have
to do with the politics of representation in a colonial society. While Britain
was unwilling to contemplate Indian independence before the Second World War,
it was willing to concede an independence of sorts in the world of sport, particularly
when the “Indian team” remained under overall British control and tutelage.
India was thus represented at the 1900 Paris Olympic Games, although the sole representative
was the Anglo-Indian Norman Pritchard. (Pritchard won two silver medals in
track and field events.) More importantly, while middle class Indians were
inconsistent and half-hearted about subaltern pastimes, colonial administrators
were sometimes receptive to cultural forms that signified authenticity, and native
elites could support such endeavors even when they did not themselves play the game.
Subaltern successes in international sport could be appropriated by those who
cared about national prestige. Beginning in Antwerp in 1920, Indian wrestlers
began to appear regularly in the Olympics with the backing of British as well
as Indian patrons, although they would not actually win a medal until K.D.
Jadhav won a bronze in Helsinki in 1952.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: .5in; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: .5in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman";">The nationalization (and
internationalization) of Indian wrestling accelerated the partial
transformation of an activity that had previously drifted imprecisely across
the lines of religion and rustic community, modernizing it into a sport, and
supplementing the old <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">akharas</i> (wrestling
societies) of Benaras with globally applicable regimes of coaching and classification.
The <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">akhara</i> and Olympic wrestling were
not distinct worlds; they leached into each other, and most importantly, they
drew from the same rural and small-town pools of subaltern wrestlers. These
young men from the hinterland, with ideas about diet, exercise and moral
conduct that were apparently peculiar to their rural milieu, acquired a limited
access to the discourses, practices and opportunities of a wider world –
limited not only by their marginal class status, but also by their own sense of
what was appropriately modern. They and their sport represent the contextual
and “alternative” modernity of the subaltern that inhabits a nation that is only
contingently that of the middle-class nationalist who cheers for the national
team. The same can be said for Indians who play organized, competitive <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">kabaddi, </i>first demonstrated
internationally at the Berlin Olympics of 1936. <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Kabaddi </i>is not a prestige sport, and middle-class adults generally
do not play it seriously. (Serious play is itself a middle class idea.) But it
has nevertheless become an activity that is “serious” for people from the
vernacular classes that exist between the ideal types of “peasants” and “the
middle class,” and can contingently represent India in the world.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: .5in; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: .5in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman";">Since Jadhav’s medal in Helsinki, only a handful of Indian wrestlers – Sushil Kumar, Yogeshwar Dutt and Sakshi Malik – have been successful at the Olympics. Sakshi Malik's bronze in 2016 reflects the mutable, transforming nature of subaltern and provincial sporting traditions: on the margins of middle-class respectability, women have found a niche that eluded them both in the <i>akhara</i> and in the convent school. It is, nevertheless, a paltry tally that reflects the
notoriously poor Indian record at the Olympics, where decades of participation
have yielded little by way of medals. Indian athletes do poorly at track and
field events and most other forms of individual contest, largely because
middle-class Indians are not invested in such contests, taking notice briefly only when a compatriot
surprises them by winning internationally. The network of schools and regular tournaments through which talent can be identified, nurtured and funneled upward is
entirely underdeveloped. </span><span style="font-family: "times new roman";"><span style="font-family: "times new roman";">A promising young athlete has almost no chance of finding a reliable ladder of school, city, district, state and national level competitions. </span>Even at elite private schools, track and field
athletics have no institutional support, and there is little in the way of facilities,
coaching or organized competition. Swimming pools are non-existent and few urban Indians can
swim. </span><br />
<br />
<span style="font-family: "times new roman";">In the government
schools, where these schools exist at all, the lack of support for athletics is even more acute. The failure of
the Indian state to invest in primary and secondary education, not to mention
the wider problems of poverty, malnutrition and ill-health below the middle
class, has severely curtailed the emergence of subaltern athletes, who literally have nowhere to begin. Indian
runners, jumpers and swimmers have had neither the state-directed support that the
Chinese and Eastern European states gave their athletes, nor the combination of civil society and market endorsement that has driven athletic success in the western
world. World-class track athletes like P.T. Usha, who fell just short of
Olympic success in the 1980s, and before her Milkha Singh (who also barely
missed an Olympic medal), are aberrations who shone in spite of the Indian “system,”
not because of it. That fourth-place "consolation prize” was also the fate of Dipa
Karmakar in gymnastics in the 2016 Rio games.) The system, generally speaking,
is the lack of any system at all, or a threadbare infrastructure of nationhood.
(There are exceptions at the state level. P.T. Usha’s home state of Kerala is notable
for both its investment in literacy and its production of track athletes.)</span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: "times new roman";">The Hockey Nation</span></b></div>
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<br /></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman";">A different kind of Olympic aberration
can be found in Indian hockey. Between the 1920s and the 1960s, and even until 1980,
India was phenomenally successful in international hockey, winning eleven
Olympic medals, including eight golds. That success and its rapid and total
evaporation are both revealing. Much of the credit for the promotion of hockey
in colonial India is due to the army, which encouraged soldiers to play the
game. Not surprisingly, Punjab – a region with disproportionate military
recruitment – became the major base of Indian hockey even before Olympic
success made the sport a source of national satisfaction. While the
participation of enlisted men gave the game a wide base in class, it was
limited by region and to some extent by the institution of the military itself.
Outside its original enclaves, the game was not played, coached, organized,
watched or sponsored with any consistency or seriousness. India was a “hockey
nation” much more in the sense that the national team won a lot of
competitions, than in the sense of a general love of the sport. </span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman";">In spite of the emergence of individual
stars like the brothers Dhyan Chand and Roop Singh, the infrastructure for
producing world-class players remained limited. The most basic failure, as in
track and field or swimming, was the official indifference to universal
education: relatively few children learned to play the sport competitively.
Success that rested on so frail a platform could not be sustained. In the
1960s, the technology of the international game changed, most dramatically with
the adoption of artificial turf. Not only was artificial turf not affordable or
easily available in India, it called for sharply revised techniques of playing
and coaching, which required an elaborate organizational apparatus that had not
emerged. The Indian reliance on the excellence of individual players proved to
be insufficient, given the limits of the hockey-playing population. Later in
the twentieth century, changes in the international rules of the game –
particularly the elimination of the offside rule – further disadvantaged Indian
players, who were accustomed to playing a game of close control of the ball and
not long passing. Hockey survives in India, but the hockey nation was a chimera.</span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: .5in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman";">It is worth noting that the fate of
hockey in neighboring Pakistan has been both similar and different. There, as
in India, the standard of the game was very high well into the 1960s and 1970s,
and the army and Punjab constituted the primary soil in which hockey was
rooted. There too, changes in technology and technique adversely affected the
competitiveness of the national team. Nevertheless, Pakistani hockey was spared
the devastation the sport suffered in India, because the military and Punjab
have typically possessed greater political and economic clout in Pakistan than
in India. The organizational and demographic base of Pakistani hockey was stronger
and more extensive, and Pakistan remains a “hockey power,” although a
diminished one. </span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: "times new roman";">Football and Revolutionary Manhood</span></b></div>
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<br /></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman";">The history of hockey in the subcontinent
is a part of the history of team sports, and inseparable from the success that
team sports have enjoyed – in results and in popular support – relative to individual
athletics. To people engaged in imagining themselves as a public and a nation,
or as national communities, the idea of a team had an appeal that solitary
competitors could not achieve as readily. This was particularly true for a
public that perceived its colonized condition to be a consequence of disunity,
and, indeed, of an inability to come together in a disciplined and purposeful
manner. Teams thus possessed an inherent assertiveness, and those that
coalesced without immediate British supervision lent themselves easily to nationalism.</span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman";">That dynamic became evident in football,
particularly in Bengal, beginning early in the twentieth century. Club football
in the city of Calcutta (Kolkata) took shape along lines of race and ethnicity,
with British, Anglo-Indian, western Bengalis, eastern migrants, and Muslims
gradually fielding segregated teams supported by segregated groups of fans. For
Bengalis, the politics of football were closely tied to the British accusation
of effeminacy: to play the game was to assert manhood and regeneration. At the
turn of the century, the Hindu reformist ideologue and educator Vivekananda had
declared football to be more important than the Bhagavad Gita in the education
of boys. Even if the story is apocryphal, the significance attached to it by
contemporaries – and the importance attached to football by Vivekananda’s monks
at the Ramakrishna Mission schools, where middle-class boys were subjected to a
modern, Indian-nationalist pedagogy – backed up the association of football
with organization and militant nationhood. </span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: .5in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman";">The most famous instance of this militancy
came in 1911, when Mohun Bagan – a Calcutta club supported by western Bengalis
– entered the finals of the IFA (Indian Football Association) Shield
tournament, which was India’s premier football championship. Their opponents
were the all-white East Yorkshire Regiment, which had a formidable reputation
not just as footballers but as tough soldiers. Mohun Bagan won, setting off
raucous celebrations not just among its usual support base but among Indians
around Bengal. It was as if a particular club had become the team of the larger
nation, against an adversary that was undeniably an arm of the colonial regime,
and as such, a team in the competitions of empire and race. Particular details
of the match, such as the fact that the Indians had played in bare feet and the
Yorkshiremen in boots, received much attention: this was martyred flesh heroically
defeating the materials of power, or the downtrodden overcoming the soles of
the oppressor’s shoes. It coincided perfectly with the agitation against the
British decision to partition Bengal, and with the reversal of that decision in
1911.</span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: .5in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman";">Club football remained massively popular
in Calcutta and its hinterland after Indian independence, although it did not
remain unchanged. The clubs became desegregated; Mohammedan Sporting, for
instance, has long had more Hindu players than Muslims, and East Bengal is not
limited to migrants from the east. The same player can expect to change clubs
multiple times in the course of his career. Fans retained their loyalties more
out of habit than from attachment to a particular geography or ethnicity. Also,
as the popular base of football in Bengal deepened and widened, and the clubs
transitioned from amateurism to contracted salaries, the sport became an
established mechanism of aspiration and socio-economic achievement for young
men from poorer backgrounds. The clubs did not pay their players extravagantly,
but they nevertheless produced a modern structure of professional sport that
surpassed anything that emerged with hockey or even cricket. By the 1980s,
foreign players from elsewhere in the developing world (Iranians and Nigerians,
in particular) were playing for Calcutta-based clubs.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: .5in; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: .5in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman";">The professionalization of Indian
football, however, came with dwindling interest in the idea that a football
team could represent the nation. In the 1950s, the Indian national team was
still internationally credible (although not a top competitor), especially in
the Asian circuit. Soon afterwards, its lack of success on any international
stage made it unviable as a carrier of national prestige, and Indian club
football became almost entirely insular: a world of its own, in which fans waxed
lyrical about star players while ignoring their mediocrity in a wider world. The
failure at the international level was due, to some extent, to problems that
were also encountered in hockey: lack of organization outside specific regions,
difficulties with adapting to technology and new styles of play, inadequacies
in professional coaching, and the inadequate physical fitness of subaltern
players in a sport that had sharply raised its demands on the body of the
athlete. </span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: .5in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman";">It is not that Indian football fans were
oblivious of a world outside Calcutta (or Goa, where enthusiasm for football
also ran high, not least because the history of the old Portuguese colony did
not include competition from cricket). They followed the World Cup
championships, knew who the international greats were, and developed a
particular affection for Brazil and Pele. Brazil was, in a sense, their
alternative national team in the absence of Indian competence: dark-skinned,
Third World, exuberant, triumphant. But in the decades when Indian television
was in its infancy, they rarely saw international football. Even their own
football, which they could see at the stadium, was more often an aural and
textual phenomenon, heard on the radio and read about in the newspapers. They
had a glimpse of Pele in 1977 when the New York club Cosmos visited Calcutta
and played an exhibition game against Mohun Bagan, but the blow was soft: Mohun
Bagan managed to draw the match 2-2, which pleased the home crowd. They were
thrilled to share a moment in the sun, but not shocked or embarrassed by a naked
reminder of their inferiority. </span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: .5in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman";">In the 1980s, however, the eye could no
longer be averted. In the decade when television became commonplace in India,
Indian football fans were exposed to the highest levels of the global game,
beginning with the 1982 World Cup tournament. With the coming of satellite and
cable television, the field of vision came to include major championships, year
around, everywhere in the world. At that point, the poor quality of Indian
football could not be ignored, and Calcutta’s notorious “football fever” cooled
very discernibly. Crowds thinned for club matches, and the notion of an Indian
football star became infused with wryness. Some attempts were made to remedy
the defects, and certainly, from the 1990s onwards, the liberalization of the
Indian economy – and the emergence of a powerful advertising and media industry
– generated funds which might have been used to improve the standard of the
game. For the most part, these efforts have not worked. Foreign coaches,
practice games with B-level and C-level foreign club teams, sending a few
players to participate in the English football circuit, and attempts to
organize a new, television-sponsor-friendly championship on the basis of city
identity have not fundamentally changed the reality of a national team that is a
national embarrassment. The gap between results and reasonable expectations has
become so wide and entrenched that nobody believes it can be closed. The
original purpose of Indian football has, thus, been substantially abdicated,
unable to survive the shifts in the economy of the sport, and unable, also, to
compete with cricket, where the trajectories of success and popularity have been
very different.</span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: .5in; text-align: center; text-indent: .5in;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: "times new roman";">The Exception of Cricket</span></b></div>
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<br /></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman";">Cricket is the great exception of Indian
sport. It came from the same colonial roots as hockey and football, in the
sense that it was a part of the Victorian pedagogy of discipline and “team
spirit” that Indians were both challenged to imbibe and presumed to be racially
incapable of absorbing. It too was appropriated initially by limited numbers of
Indians: the players came from the higher echelons of native society, although
the spectators – who often played too, with different codes of play –
represented a wider slice of the people. But whereas hockey and football proved
to be limited in their ideological, affective and economic potential, cricket
became the Indian national sport, eclipsing all other games to the extent that
non-Indians are sometimes surprised to learn that Indians play anything else. Unlike
the permanent backwaters of football and hockey, cricket surpassed the wildest
expectations of Indian nationalists who saw modern sport as the means of
achieving power, influence and centrality. </span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: .5in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman";">Indian cricket in the last three decades
of the nineteenth century was unquestionably a marginal affair: played by the Parsis
of western India and then by the princes, and met with various degrees of
grudging British acceptance and condescension. Bombay was the cradle of the
sport in India, because of support that was finally extended by the provincial
government in the 1890s. The patronage of the princes took the game beyond
Bombay. By the first decade of the twentieth century, the first regular Indian
cricket tournament had taken shape: the Triangular, in which three ethnically
constituted “communities” – Parsis, Europeans and Hindus – each fielded a team.
Muslims joined in 1912, making the tournament the Quadrangular, and a fifth
team (the Rest) was added in 1937 to what was finally the Pentangular.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: .5in; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: .5in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman";">Any expectations that colonial administrators
or the Anglo-Indian community may have had that the tournament would enshrine a
stable European domination of the field dissipated very soon; the non-white
teams showed themselves quite capable of holding their own. In its structure,
however, the tournament reaffirmed the colonial doctrine of India as a
collective of competing ethno-racial groups under British supervision. It was,
in that sense, contrary to the nationalist discourse officially espoused by the
Congress, which emphasized a unitary nationhood. Gandhi was explicit in his
disapproval of the “communal” basis of the Quadrangular contest. If, however,
we allow that Indian nationalism has never been entirely distinct from the
assertion of communal identities, the Quadrangular was not aberrant. Neither
the crowds nor the players were consistently polarized, and there was no
significant threat of violent confrontation at the matches. It was understood
that the contests were taking place within a limited context that did not
exclude other affiliations. A Hindu and a Muslim, representing “the Hindus” and
“the Mohammedans” in the tournament, could be teammates in another context,
cricketing or otherwise. The Quadrangular/Pentangular can, in fact, be regarded
as a successful example of Indians appropriating a colonial structure of
competition and using it to gatecrash a closed space of empire. There can be
little doubt that the exposure, experience and organization provided by the
Quadrangular facilitated the elevation of India to “Test” status – i.e.,
admission into the top tier of nationally representative cricket teams, which
then consisted of England, Australia, South Africa, the West Indies and New
Zealand – in 1932. As in the Olympics, sporting nationhood came before the
political nation was fully in sight.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: .5in; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: .5in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman";">Test status was, nevertheless, more an
incremental change than a revolution. In the 1930s, it did not mean very many
international contests; the hierarchy within the group of Test-playing sides
meant that lowly dark-skinned newcomers got fewer games. The Quadrangular
remained the primary domestic structure, and the older elites of Indian cricket
– the princes in particular – retained considerable influence over the national
team, which, consequently, could be described as a group of patrons and clients
as much as it could be described as “national.” Over the next decade and a
half, however, the princes lost their influence. Middle-class players – who
chafed at the self-importance of the princes, especially when the latter displayed
little ability but insisted on command – asserted themselves and showed
themselves to be indispensable to a competitive national team. The fading away
of the British and the princes as political forces after 1947 reinforced the
shift. By 1948, when India resumed Test cricket after the interruption imposed
by the world war, the national team was firmly in the hands of the urban middle
class. </span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: .5in; text-align: center; text-indent: .5in;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: "times new roman";">Test Cricket and Nehruvian India</span></b></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: .5in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman";">A princely residue remained. It resurfaced
prominently in the 1960s in the form of the Nawab of Pataudi, who became a
popular and relatively successful captain. Mirroring the place of the princes
in independent India, however, Pataudi’s appeal was based more on nostalgia
than on the authority of his class. It was also based on peculiar factors like
the fact that as a one-eyed man whose most famous performance came on one good
leg, Pataudi could be swashbuckling as a buccaneer, especially in a cricketing
world in which authority was hoarded by an Anglo-Australian elite. He was, of
course, also an insider in the aristocracy: a prince, the son of a former India
and England player, and former captain of the Oxford University side. But
within India, he carried the aspirations of a middle class that was in command
of its own country but conscious of its weakness in the world. It is not
coincidental that Pataudi’s place in Indian cricket came to an end just as Mrs.
Indira Gandhi abolished the Privy Purses, or extravagant pensions, that had
sustained what remained of princely glamor in India.</span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: .5in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman";">Indian cricket in the period between the
1950s and the 1980s was both an extensive and a limited phenomenon. Very large
numbers of people followed and played the game. Matches in domestic tournaments
(particularly the interstate Ranji Trophy and interzonal Duleep Trophy, which
replaced the Pentangular after independence) were often well-attended, and Test
matches routinely sold out stadiums seating up to eighty thousand spectators. Live
commentary of Test matches on All-India Radio took the game into millions of
homes, and small crowds of people gathered over transistor radios at bus stops
and tea stalls, listening to games they could not attend in person, became a
common sight. Cricket in this form was, among other things, a ritual of
consuming technology, within the modest means of the middle class in a
“socialist” economy. Radio was particularly important in popularizing cricket
among women, who had been peripheral to the sport before the 1950s. For
children, and boys in particular, the national team provided icons with an
overarching appeal: no matter where in the country you lived, you were fixated
upon the same dozen or so players, although you might be especially fond of
those from your home state. The rituals of neighborhood cricket, played on any
available patch of open space, were the same in any Indian city or town. In
that sense, cricket reinforced a uniform and popular Indianness, accommodating
and balancing regional affiliations. </span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: .5in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman";">As part of that national consciousness,
cricket connected its Indian followers to a world of sport and competition:
they learned the names of Caribbean players, the peculiarities of stadiums in
Australia, and the subtleties of English “playing conditions” (weather and soil).
They acquired that cosmopolitan knowledge through an Indian lens, as Indian
fans. In the same spirit, cricket became an instrument of Indian foreign
policy: India was the first country to push for a boycott of apartheid South
Africa, as part of its wider stance in the world of decolonization, the Cold
War and Non-Alignment. It was vindicated when other countries joined the
boycott in the early 1970s, and it was against India that South Africa played
its first international cricket when apartheid ended and the boycott was called
off.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: .5in; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: .5in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman";">Cricket, however, also reflected the
limits of the Indian nation. There were obvious economic limits, which were
also the limits of leisure. Even transistor radios and cheap seats at the
stadium were not within the reach of all Indians. People whose meager earnings
depended on how long they worked could not afford to take a day, let alone five
days, off to watch cricket. (The other side of that coin is the likelihood that
high unemployment left young men with time to follow Test matches.) Moreover, in
the 1950s, patronage of the sport passed from the princes (who had maintained
stables of cricketers), and was taken up by the government and private-sector
companies which gave first-class (national and regional level) cricketers jobs
and regular salaries. This provided players with the security to pursue the
sport on a full-time basis, but the money was modest and nobody became rich
playing cricket. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: .5in; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: .5in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman";">Then there were what might be called city
limits. The constituency of the game remained urban and middle class, and its
growth followed the growth of that demographic in Indian society. For a long
time, Test cricket was played in only a handful of urban centers (Bombay,
Calcutta, Delhi, Madras, Bangalore, Hyderabad, Kanpur). Efforts to increase the
list of venues (adding Chandigarh and Nagpur, for instance) were not entirely
successful. Test cricket marked, in that way, not only a line between the city
and the village, but a line between cosmopolitan and provincial cities, the
center and the backwater. Until recently, players who made it to the national
team came overwhelmingly from the bigger cities and the middle class. So did the
women who became cricket fans. The women’s game remained severely
underdeveloped, with little encouragement or organization. It is not that
people in the mofussil town, village and urban slum did not play cricket, or
that girls ignored the game. (Many middle-class Indian girls have played with
their brothers. But whereas boys could continue to play the game in a reasonably
structured way, few girls were given to understand that the game was compatible
with female adulthood.) Their versions, however, remained improvised, irregular
and self-contained: akin to Jerry Leach’s famous narrative of Trobriand cricket,
in which Pacific islanders play their peculiar form of the game.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: .5in; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: .5in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman";">Results displayed a similar picture of
limited success. In Test cricket, Indian defeats far outnumbered victories, and
the occasional triumphs typically came in home games, with their familiar
playing conditions and friendly crowds. A team capable of winning abroad seemed
to take shape only in the 1970s and 1980s. Why this is so remains a difficult
question to answer. One can point to the exceptional quality of a batsman like
Sunil Gavaskar or a bowler like Kapil Dev, emerging at opposite ends of the
1970s. But even in the 1950s and 1960s, India had much-admired batsmen like
Vijay Hazare and bowlers like E.A.S. Prasanna, B.S. Chandrasekhar and Bishan
Bedi. While a psychological explanation (the supposedly greater self-belief of
the 1970s generation) have sometimes been called upon to explain the difference
in results, the simplest explanation is that the results were not especially
different. Apart from a couple of spectacular victories in 1971 and 1986,
overseas wins remained very rare. India won the World Cup in 1983, but this was
in one-day cricket, where weaker teams and modestly-skilled players have a
better chance of success. Test cricket remained a different proposition. Exceptional
players were all too exceptional, in the sense that their team-mates were
mediocre; they were also not exceptional enough, in the sense that the
opposition was even better. The Indian pool of talent and resources was too
limited. Even middle-class Indian boys, for instance, lacked access to equipment,
practice facilities and coaching that Australian and English players could take
for granted. Players from poorer backgrounds lacked all those things, plus a
few others: proper nutrition, access to schools and tournaments, time to play.
Indian successes were victories against the circumstances, sustained in part by
the small size of the world of international cricket, in which even mediocre teams
had a place.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: .5in; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: .5in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman";">The two levels of Indian cricket in this
period – the organized, urban-middle-class level, with its coaching,
tournaments and demarcated pathways of upward mobility, and the unorganized,
improvised level of subaltern cricket – were not entirely discrete. Middle-class
schoolboys also played neighborhood cricket, often alongside boys from the
slums. They switched codes as they switched contexts. And certainly, the
stadium itself was a space where the classes and codes came together in
semi-segregated fashion: separated by differently priced stands, but immersed
in a common crowd and a shared ritual of watching the same game. The men in the
cheap seats (there would be few women here) were more given to shouted comments
and crude jokes than the middle-class fans, and, quite rarely, willing to riot,
although it should be noted that these incidents were usually not about the
outcome of the match. (Stadium riots typically stemmed from the poor conditions
and indignities that spectators in the cheap stands were asked to put up with.)
But they also showed a sophisticated appreciation of the subtleties of Test
cricket, which – reflecting its pastoral Victorian origins – could be a slow
game, requiring patience from both players and spectators. They knew the
esoteric terminology. They relished Indian successes, but they also admired and
applauded opponents, and knew what was “not cricket.” They dressed within their
means but did not come in rags. When the proletariat went to the stadium or
clustered around the radio on the street, they too switched codes, or, as in
the Caribbean of C.L.R. James, accepted the hegemony of a particular notion of
civilization.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: .5in; text-align: justify; text-indent: .5in;">
<br /></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: .5in; text-align: center; text-indent: .5in;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: "times new roman";">The World of Liberalization</span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: .5in; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: .5in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman";">Like almost every aspect of public life
in India, this rather stodgy edifice of sporting respectability was shaken to
the core by the economic changes of the 1990s, generally described as liberalization:
the abandonment of the rhetoric of socialism and centralized regulation, the
new openness to foreign investment capital, and, most importantly, the
unleashing of an ethos of unapologetic entrepreneurship, self-enrichment and
consumerism. It brought to Indian cricket not only a flood of money,
transforming the game into a major generator of revenue, it sharply expanded
the pool of players and spectators, bringing in people who were indifferent to
the codes and expectations that the previous generation had lived by. In this
period, Indian cricket has become an undisputed global power, and also
confronted an existential crisis.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: .5in; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: .5in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman";">Indian cricket in the 1990s was marked
most dramatically by the twin phenomena of corruption and Sachin Tendulkar. The
decade saw a series of scandals: senior players were implicated in, or at least
accused of, financial and sporting improprieties. These included tax evasion
and “match fixing,” i.e., cooperating with bookies to fix the outcome of a
match (or a smaller part of a match, in what is called “spot fixing”). As
allegations flew and secret recordings emerged, the spectacle of corruption
itself became a commodity, consumed in the new commercial media. In this
hothouse of money and scandal, Tendulkar emerged as a young batting prodigy.
His undeniable greatness on the field was matched by his enormous appeal to
advertisers, and by his apparently impeccable propriety. Unlike older players
with their suddenly-acquired Rolex watches and bookie friends, Tendulkar set a
new standard of circumspection: his every move was calculated to be scandal-proof,
and every word as bland and insubstantial as a public-relations statement. The
circumspection itself was marketed by his managers and admirers in the media as
part of his image: he was, it was often said, very protective of his privacy.
That new concept of privacy went beyond middle-class modesty: it was inseparable
from Tendulkar’s astonishing earnings. (A rough estimate, in the early 2000s,
would be five million US dollars annually.) Those earnings no longer came from
a token job at a government bureaucracy or a textile company; they came from
corporate sponsorship. Cricketers advertising products were not new in India,
but the scale and scope of the such activity in the 1990s was. Tendulkar thus epitomized
the consolidation of a new, sophisticated relationship between cricket and
acceptable wealth, legitimizing the acquisitiveness and aspirations of the
middle class in a time when there was, apparently, no longer a contradiction
between private aggrandizement and the collective pleasures of nationhood.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: .5in; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: .5in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman";">Beginning early in the new millennium,
the Indian national team began to win abroad with a frequency that was quite
unprecedented. Its performances in home series also reached new heights, and a
perpetual underdog of Test cricket suddenly became recognized as one of the top
teams in the world. The reasons for this change of circumstances are not all centered
on India. The West Indies, for instance, sank in this period from overwhelming
dominance to shocking mediocrity, making life easier for rivals. But the
primary reasons are rooted in home soil. The BCCI, or the board that ran Indian
cricket, had become very rich from television revenues. It now eclipsed the
Australian and English boards in terms of income, and was the preeminent
financial power in the sport. The new wealth allowed it to invest in the
infrastructure, personnel and methods of modern professional sport: the training
facilities, coaches, dieticians and specialists in fitness and sports medicine
that Indian hockey and football could never afford. Simultaneously, the
expansion of the middle class threw up an abundance of talent. Tendulkar was
not a lone star; he was part of a formidable batting line-up. Fast bowling had
long the major weakness and embarrassment of Indian cricket; now the country
seemed to be full of young men who could bowl at respectable speeds.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: .5in; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: .5in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman";">In this rather euphoric moment, however,
there were already signs of trouble, some overt and others that were not
immediately recognized. The development (initially in England) of T20, a very
short version of the game that is essentially cricket reduced to highlights, was
seen by Indian media entrepreneurs as a money-making opportunity. They
perceived, quite reasonably, that a game that lasted three hours and ended in a
guaranteed result was better suited to modern urban life than a five-day game
that could end in a draw. With the support of retired cricketers like Kapil
Dev, they organized a T20 league, the Indian Cricket League (ICL), that offered
attractive remuneration to regional, national and even international players.
The BCCI, unwilling to tolerate the challenge to its monopoly on players and
revenues, cracked down very hard on the ICL, using its financial clout in world
cricket to ban participating players from all international competition. The
ICL collapsed. The BCCI promptly created its own T20 competition, the Indian
Premier League (IPL), in which privately owned teams were associated with
particular Indian cities. The IPL offered extremely lucrative contracts to
Indian and overseas cricketers, muscled in on the international cricket
calendar, and became a television phenomenon. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: .5in; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: .5in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman";">The IPL was in many ways the perfect
symptom of the Indian version of globalized capitalism, and of the “gold-rush
economy” of liberalization. It took its cues wherever it could find them, but
preferred American and Indian cultural material: the floodlit cricket was
accompanied by imported white cheerleaders in skimpy clothes, Bollywood music
and personalities (who played a dual role as owners and mascots of the new
teams), and fireworks. Players were publicly “auctioned.” The pavilion, from
which players descended like gods when it was their turn to bat, was
replaced by the “dugout” from which well-paid Troglodytes emerged. All-India Radio and Doordarshan commentators, now hopelessly
dull, made way for exuberant announcers, “journalists” and ex-cricketers paid
to endorse the spectacle in hyperbolic terms. BCCI board members themselves
owned IPL teams, effectively giving themselves the right to regulate their own
profit-making, and drafting bylaws that denied any conflict of interest between
private ownership of IPL teams, management of the national game, and the allocation
of television revenues. Politicians became visibly close to the IPL, supporting
their protégés among the managers of the game, and it remained unclear whether
they were curbing or facilitating the irregularities of the cricket board. Board
members who were team-owners also had their protégés: N. Srinivasan, the
powerful and tenacious president of the BCCI, also owned the Chennai Super
Kings IPL team; M.S. Dhoni, the captain of that team, was also the captain of
the Indian national team and the highest-paid cricketer in the world. The
BCCI’s attorneys increasingly took the position that the board was not a
national entity at all, but a private organization. Given the history of Indian
cricket, this amounted to a startling repudiation of the national focus of the
sport, and an admission of the naturalized nexus between corporations,
politicians, sports bureaucrats and celebrity athletes. It was a logical
culmination of the new privacy that had been heralded by the Tendulkar
phenomenon in the previous decade.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: .5in; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: .5in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman";">Such naked robber-baron capitalism in cricket
was not sustainable for very long. Lalit Modi, the architect of the IPL, soon
found himself accused of financial impropriety and fled the country. After a
series of lawsuits, new match-fixing scandals and the intervention of the
Indian Supreme Court, some separation was instituted between team ownership and
the BCCI, glaring conflicts of interest were mitigated, and the worst offenders
– in particular Srinivasan – <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>were
weakened. The public’s fascination with the money-making on display was
tempered by a discernible revulsion at the corruption and greed, especially as
the novelty of cheerleaders and Bollywood stars at cricket matches wore off. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: .5in; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: .5in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman";">The efforts to clean up the IPL could
not, however, hide the crisis in Test cricket in India. Attendance at Test
matches plummeted after the 1990s; crowds made it clear that they preferred the
“entertainment package” of T20 to the arcane pleasures of the longer game. It
could be said of them that they were not serious cricket fans, but the idea of
being “serious” about entertainment, or the adult equivalent of “play,” was alien
to them. The phenomenon was not exclusively Indian: it affected every
cricket-playing country outside the old, white circle of England, Australia,
New Zealand and a portion of South Africa. Within India, only some cities –
Bangalore, Chennai, Calcutta and Bombay – still saw full stadiums for Test
matches. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: .5in; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: .5in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman";">The pattern was clear: Test cricket hung
on in the older centers of the sport, and was dying in the peripheries of the nation,
the city and the stadium, where economic liberalization had transformed the
relationship between consumption and respectability. These peripheries were
made up not only of old cricket fans who had revised their ideas about pleasure
and leisure, but also of new fans whose expectations were different to begin
with. These fans were not subalterns in the economic sense; the poor were never
a part of the marketplace of cricket in the IPL era. They were, however, newly
moneyed and brashly confident. Defying C.L.R. James, the new crowd showed no
interest in the pedagogy of the stadium or the hegemony of elites who insisted
upon a “straight bat.” They did not applaud opponents who played well or won;
they were not liberals. They were not invested in the nostalgia and history –
the essentially Victorian and Nehruvian modernity – that Test cricket prioritized.
Short-format cricket was instant and disposable gratification: a sport akin to
basketball, in that it did not call upon the fan to learn and remember legends,
scoreboards and plays over periods of decades. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: .5in; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: .5in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman";">The crisis of the old fan base was
evident on the field as well. The string of Test match victories in the early
and mid-2000s was followed by a succession of heavy defeats, especially in away
games. Test cricket survived in India, but as a sickly and barely tolerated
cousin of the boisterous new sporting Self. It came to expected that India
would lose abroad, and that the losses would be compensated for in
international rankings by home series and blatant manipulation of the playing
conditions. When the great Indian players who had come of age in the 1990s
retired from the sport, they were not replaced by players of a comparable level
of skill, even though the pool of talent was larger. Test cricket and T20 call
for different techniques. Because the money was in T20, the new generation of cricketers
had geared themselves to play the short format and were found lacking in the
skills of the longer, more demanding version of the game. To some extent, this
was a global phenomenon, but it was particularly pronounced in India, where the
economic earthquake had exposed the demographic limits of “traditional” cricket:
an insufficient number of Indians had been taught to value that game.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: .5in; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: .5in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman";">Ironically, thus, the same forces that
put Indian cricket at the peak of the global game pulled it down almost
immediately, shifting the globe in the process. The structure of patronage
expanded, allowing better performances and results, but it demanded a different
game. In England and Australia, the Indian enthusiasm for T20 was regarded as an
upstart effrontery and, indeed, as childish. But while English and Australian
sportswriters and cricket administrators sought to cling to their old position
as the arbiters of values and beauty in sport, it was clear that in terms of the
power to allocate resources, make policy and persuade the greatest number of
people, they were now the periphery. With the wealth generated by a massive new
market, Indian cricket was the new global center, sucking foreign players into
IPL teams and bullying other national cricket boards (to their alarm,
resentment and acquiescence). The values of the sport had changed, and
aesthetics rearticulated as marketable kitsch. The thrill of national victory
now came not so much from winning on the field at the most challenging level of
the game, as from the awareness of Indian power in the financial and administrative
world of cricket.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: .5in; text-align: justify; text-indent: .5in;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: .5in; text-align: justify; text-indent: .5in;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: "times new roman";">Nearly Was and Almost Rans – Tennis, “TT”
and Badminton</span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: .5in; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: .5in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman";">In its abbreviated, Americanized and
ultra-monetized form, cricket remained the gorilla on the Indian playing field.
Hopes that some of the largesse would be shared with other, neglected, sports came
to nothing. The enlargement of the middle class did provide a boost to tennis.
India had a modest history of competitive tennis, going back to the
mid-twentieth century. Ramanathan Krishnan won the Wimbledon boys’ title in
1954, and reached the men’s semi-finals in 1960 and 1961; he was the
fourth-seeded player at Wimbledon in 1962. His son Ramesh also won the junior
titles at Wimbledon and the French Open, both in 1979. The Amritraj brothers (Vijay
and Anand) had some success in the international men’s circuit and the Davis
Cup in the 1970s and 1980s. Economic liberalization generated a larger pool of
players (who came entirely from the urban middle class), greater resources for
training, and more attractive financial rewards. Just as importantly, it
produced the media environment in which Indians could compete internationally
before Indian crowds. The first beneficiaries of the changed circumstances were
Leander Paes and Mahesh Bhupathi, who became a formidable doubles team,
regularly winning international championships. Whereas Vijay Amritraj had an
eternally hopeful following among a thin sliver of Indians who read the
English-language newspapers, Paes and Bhupathi were widely admired: their
frequent victories, strutting assertiveness and income seemed to embody the
formula of success in the 1990s. In the new millennium, Sania Mirza took that
formula further, becoming the first Indian tennis celebrity. Her good looks,
dress sense and insouciance made her perfect material for the tabloid media,
which had eclipsed and infected the stolid newspapers and television
programming of the past. Her accomplishments on the tennis court became secondary
to gossip about her love life, and her decision to marry a Pakistani cricketer
only highlighted her reputation for living glamorously on the margins of
respectability, like a slightly scandalous Bollywood starlet. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: .5in; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: .5in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman";">Leander Paes, Mahesh Bhupathi and Sania
Mirza were players of modest ability. None broke into the top twenty of
international singles rankings, although Mirza came close at one point in her
career. They all became specialist doubles players, sometimes teaming up with
retired singles greats like Martina Navratilova and Martina Hingis. Their
Indian fans did not begrudge them these shortcomings and dodges. Many fans were
simply unaware that doubles competition is a lesser form of tennis (much as T20
is a lesser form of cricket), requiring a lower level of skill. They did not
themselves play tennis; most had never been coached or held a racquet. That is
precisely why the standard of tennis remained low in India: very few played or
had access to the infrastructure, even in the era of liberalization. What had
grown was a base of armchair fans, who were attracted to victory, celebrity,
television entertainment and the vicarious experience of money. In that regard,
Indian tennis resembled Formula One auto racing, which acquired a following
among affluent Indians in the 2000s. These fans declared themselves to be
supporters of the revealingly named Force India, which was privately owned by a
wealthy Indian (Vijay Mallya, who has also fled the country to
escape prosecution for financial crimes), but staffed entirely by non-Indians.
It also resembled T20 cricket, although cricket was a game that its fans
actually played.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: .5in; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: .5in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman";">A somewhat different situation is discernible
in badminton and table tennis. Unlike tennis (not to mention auto racing), both
these sports are widely played by middle class Indians, recreationally and semi-competitively.
Coaching – mainly non-professional –<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>is
sometimes available, at least sporadically. As in tennis, however, there is
considerable participation by women; these are considered appropriate sports
for middle-class girls, possibly because they are less “rough and tumble” than field sports, to say nothing of wrestling.
The standard of play in table tennis has rarely been world-class, although some
players did gain a modest level of recognition. Indu Puri was national champion
in the women’s game for many years in the 1970s and 1980s, but never ranked among
the top fifty in the world. Badminton, which middle-class Indians carried over
from colonial traditions of leisure, was played both as gentle backyard
recreation for sari-clad women and more energetically in schools, neighborhood clubs
and gymnasiums. It produced a bona fide world champion in Prakash Padukone in 1980:
he was, briefly, the number one player in the world. Currently, Saina Nehwal is
almost as good, relative to her global peers, as Padukone was in his milieu.
Nehwal is by any standard a magnificent athlete and a successful one, well known
to the middle-class constituency of Indian sport. She and P.V. Sindhu have both won Olympic medals recently. For all that, neither woman has Sania Mirza’s celebrity status, and badminton is not a glamor sport. Few
Indians have any awareness of Nehwal’s particular international opponents, or
of badminton as an international game. (By contrast, Prakash Padukone's international peers, such as the Indonesian greats Liem Swie King and Rudy Hartono, were known to Indians who followed badminton. Today, Indians who cheer for Nehwal or Sindhu follow victory, not the sport.) It remains a homely sport, and Nehwal
the archetypal girl-next-door, when sporting celebrity in India is, more than
ever, conveyed by the appearance of power in the world.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: .5in; text-align: justify; text-indent: .5in;">
<br /></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: .5in; text-align: center; text-indent: .5in;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: "times new roman";">Conclusion</span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: .5in; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: .5in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman";">The concept of sport in India has
historically emphasized the organization of play as an aspect and a sign of
education. Moreover, it was (and remains) also an aspect and a sign of
nationhood: the pursuit of national teams, or compact collectives that might
summarize and represent the larger collective. Not surprisingly, the visible limits
of sporting success in India reflect other visible limits of a nationhood that,
in its modern posture, has attempted to ignore the basic requisites of a modern
public, especially in education and health. The Indian contingent that returns empty-handed
from the Olympics is, in that sense, the embarrassing companion of the extreme
poverty, illiteracy and malnutrition that many ex-colonial nation-states have
overcome, but that the Indian middle class has learned not to see. It is not
that Indian parents insist that their children study rather than play sports,
an explanation that is trotted out every four years, after Indian athletes have
again underperformed at the Olympics. It is that not enough Indians go to
school. The Indian nationalist assumption has generally been that even a
limited nation will be globally competitive because of its sheer numbers. The
reality is that because the national public and the national population have
remained partially distinct, the success of the former has been disrupted by
the unaddressed problems of the latter. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: .5in; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: .5in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman";">Teams and crowds are inherently public,
and inseparable from the coalescence of a national public. Historically, “private”
activities did not fit easily into this ideology of leisure with a collective
political purpose. The sports that were relatively successful became so only
when they effectively mobilized nationhood for a competitive but inclusive world:
that, indeed, was the meaning of success. This limited nation was rarely strong
enough to remain competitive. Only cricket has fully managed the magic trick of
sport in modern India: it is widely played by Indians in India, successfully
played by Indians at the global level, and is organized to represent the nation
in the world. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: .5in; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: .5in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman";">That “magical” success has been
reinforced but also reconstituted by the transformed relationship between nationhood
and the public in India. Until quite recently, the codes of competition that
people who regarded themselves as Indian and sporting were, by and large,
determined with reference to a wider world of sport: taking on “the world” at
its “own games.” Because the public that played such games in India was not
very large, and the state it controlled not very strong in resources and
organization, results measured in terms of national achievements or victories
remained modest. What developed was a somewhat limited and insulated sporting
society that was nevertheless determined to view itself as a player in the
world: not unlike Nehruvian India generally. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: .5in; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: .5in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman";">When the insularity and limitedness were
exploded by market forces, the sporting nation could not and did not remain the
same. It became wider and deeper, linked at one end to a multinational world of
name-brands, celebrities and capital, and at the other end to consumers who had
hitherto been marginal to the work (which was also the leisure) of representing
the nation in the world. For the new crowd that took over the spaces in which
the middle-class understanding of nationhood is displayed, competing with the
world on “universal” terms (which were, of course, not so much universal as
hegemonic) was less relevant than the narcissistic vision of itself on television.
That infatuation diluted and altered the meanings of “serious” sport, infusing
it with the “childish,” entertainment-oriented, business of playing, which –
unlike sport – had no automatic political significance.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: .5in; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: .5in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman";">Yet politics is more significant than
ever in the relationship between Indians and their sports in the era of tabloid
news. As the sporting nation has been redefined to accommodate play, privacy
has itself been revised to make room for the material rewards of representing
the nation, which can effectively be privately owned but publicly displayed. The
sporting nation now consumes, is consumed, and is a private sanctuary for
consumption. This indicates, indeed, the development of multiple levels of
play. Liberalized Indians (who should not be confused with liberal Indians, a
dying breed) “play” before a national public – playing both a sport and a role,
like those of Sachin Tendulkar and Sania Mirza, or a random woman who sees
herself on the giant screen in the stadium – to acquire the wealth that allows
them to retreat from the public eye and play privately. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: .5in; text-align: justify; text-indent: .5in;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
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Satadru Senhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/01130077806377387996noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6906155419903605634.post-55007768627338386672016-07-28T09:35:00.000-04:002016-08-07T16:32:34.040-04:00The Indian Nation and Kashmir<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<img alt="My photo" class="profile-img" height="53" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhqDltmctnbI6etMxG_5OKNl6xL0ONysdcrlnVdYp6gFeQJdeUs26_ZHt5IWSAvPY7sit1FTZE6snxNO8ICwwsEBeA-DRb7zKa2hIbZzCNBQRY_LV1PZ7W5SBEgJf6PD0xSd_5Da5F_pHNI/s80/imgp5732asm.jpg" width="80" /></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman";">There is nothing especially surprising
about the actions of the Indian state in Kashmir over the past few weeks. Faced
with public protests in the valley after the killing of the Hizbul Mujahedeen
“terrorist” Burhan Wani, Indian security forces have used force,
killing about fifty civilians, injuring scores with twelve-gauge shotguns euphemistically called “<a href="http://m.greaterkashmir.com/news/front-page/pellet-gun-lethal-says-hcba/222953.html" target="_blank">pellet guns</a>” (blinding several in the process), and
brutally <a href="https://www.facebook.com/officialaisa/videos/1150403741669784/" target="_blank">beating</a> others. Little of this is new, in Kashmir or elsewhere in
India, where lethal force is commonly used for crowd control and police
violence against the weaker sections of the population – the poor, Dalits,
Muslims, women, tribal people, homosexuals – is routine. This is part and
parcel of illiberal democracy, in which colonial mechanisms of coercion have
been substantially carried over into a republic premised on rights, because (as
those with rights understand) not everybody understands rights, and because rights must accommodate entrenched social hierarchies. </span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman";">What is remarkable, however, is the
ubiquitous legitimization on Indian public forums of the state’s
assault on Kashmiris. Legitimacy is typically not a relevant factor in the
public’s reaction to state violence in India. Police brutality and “crowd
firing” are unpleasant facts of life, like crippled children and dirty public toilets: one deals with them by not seeing them, which is not difficult because
they usually happen to other people. Yet here we are in Kashmir, or rather in
Delhi, Calcutta and Bangalore looking at Kashmir, bending over backwards to
justify the unspeakable. We would not see such behavior on the part of the
state or the citizen in the United Kingdom or Canada, if Scotland or Quebec sought
to secede. It is not that Britons and Canadians are not patriotic. But nationalism
in South Asia (especially India, Bangladesh, Pakistan and Sri Lanka) has a
particular stridency and desperation to it. Where civil society is
underdeveloped, the national fetish is exaggerated in compensation. So the Pakistani cricket team publicly thanks the army after winning a Test match, and all conversations with Bangladeshis lead to "amader muktijudhdho," our glorious liberation war. The Indian
nationalist posture on Kashmir, however, goes beyond that. The rationales that
have been extended to justify the beatings and shootings, home invasions and disappearances, indicate an advanced rot within the ideology
of being Indian. </span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman";">The rhetoric of legitimization is neither
simple nor uniform. It forms a cluster of discrete arguments and assumptions which
can be deployed alternatively: when one fails, the Indian patriot uses another.
They are also semi-disingenuous. The patriot holding out a particular rationale
of state violence does not necessarily believe it to be true, but extends it
anyway to cover an anxiety or awareness that he or she fears is too crude to articulate.
There is the hoary insistence that Kashmir is “an integral part of India,”
implying not only that Kashmiri separatists are traitorous and perverse, but
also that the Indian response is justified by sovereignty itself: it is our
“internal matter,” we will do what we want. There is the equally stale
suggestion that the separatists are a small minority and agents of Pakistan,
and that most Kashmiris are loyal Indians. There is the “What about the
Pandits?” argument, implying that the ethnic cleansing of Kashmir’s Hindu
minority makes Indian violence against the Muslim majority just and necessary. In
a related vein, there is “What about the POK?”, or the insistence that the
Pakistani-controlled part of Kashmir should be freed first. Then there are the
arguments that appear to be based in Realpolitik: India apparently has no
trustworthy negotiating partner with whom to negotiate a solution, and an
independent Kashmir would become a Pakistani proxy, a hub of jihadi terror and
a threat to Indian security. Finally, there is the argument of existential anxiety:
if Kashmir is allowed to secede, it will set a precedent that will be followed
sooner or later by other Indian states, destroying the union.</span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman";">Few of these arguments are entirely
specious, which is why they should be taken seriously rather than dismissed out
of hand. It is only then that we can understand their shortcomings and see
behind the curtain they represent. The “integral part of India” line sounds a
blandly bureaucratic statement by the Ministry of External Affairs. It is true,
nonetheless, that Kashmir’s accession to India in 1947 had the support of the
National Conference (the main political party in Kashmir), and was validated by
the victory of the National Conference in state-level elections in 1950. But it
also disguises the nature of the National Conference’s allegiance to India.
Isolated by geography, historical education and political realities, the
National Conference and its leader Sheikh Abdullah were Kashmiri nationalists,
not Indian nationalists. Since their primary adversary, the Dogra ruling
family, was a client of the British colonial regime in India, Sheikh Abdullah
and Nehru were able to form a partnership. It was not entirely an arrangement
of convenience; Sheikh Abdullah did not regard Indians as aliens. His sense of
his Indianness was, however, different from that of B.C. Roy or
Rajagopalachari. For Sheikh Abdullah, Indian nationhood was confederate, not
unitary. Kashmir could be one of many sovereign components. All national
histories are inherently fictitious, and Kashmiris had learned to value a
different fiction from what Tamils, Maharashtrians and Bengali Hindus had
absorbed over the past century. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman";"><span style="font-family: "times new roman";">We tend to forget that in the 1940s, the idea of multiple Indias had adherents of many different ideological stripes, including Jinnah, Benoy Sarkar, Sarat Bose and Shahid Suhrawardy. And however much Indian, Pakistani and Bangladeshi patriots may deny it now, multiple Indias are precisely what emerged in 1947 and 1971. </span>Sheikh Abdullah's outlook on the "Indianness" of Kashmir can be located in this context of acceptable detachment and contingent attachment. When Kashmiri nationalists agreed to join
India, they joined as partners, not as an “integral part.” A partner can
disassociate if the terms of the partnership are no longer satisfactory. By
1953, with Article 370 of the Indian Constitution already rolled back
significantly, the terms of Kashmir’s membership in the Indian Union satisfied
neither Kashmiri nor Indian nationalists. This is true regardless of whether
the revisions of Article 370 are justifiable. (By the norms of a unitary nation
they are; by those a confederation they are highly provocative.) The subsequent
behavior of the federal government – the dismissal of Sheikh Abdullah’s
government and his repeated imprisonment, the naked political interference and
rigging of elections in the 1980s, and then the brutality of the
counterinsurgency – have made the resumption of a partnership extremely
difficult, although perhaps it is not impossible. But the “integral part”
rhetoric is at best a mistake, based on a misreading of the original
relationship between Kashmiri and Indian nationalisms. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman";">Likewise, the idea that most Kashmiris
are “loyal Indians” is not entirely baseless. Many Kashmiris have participated
in the Indian state, or at least, some aspects of the Indian state, since 1947.
They have voted (in numbers that have fluctuated wildly with the political
mood), worked in government offices, and even joined the police. After the
demise of the accord which Sheikh Abdullah had reached with Mrs. Indira Gandhi
in 1974, and the active sabotage of the state’s election process by the
Congress in the 1980s (initiated, ironically, by Mrs. Gandhi herself), that
willingness to participate has become even more sporadic. Kashmiris continue to
need the state to provide jobs and basic services, much as any occupied population
needs the occupying power. Indians before 1947 also cooperated with the colonial
regime on an everyday basis, voting in municipal and provincial elections, staffing
the government offices and joining the police. Nobody except delusional
apologists for the empire would have mistaken that participation for loyalty. No
Indian administrator who has spent time in the Valley, now or before the
insurgency began, believes the line that most Kashmiris are cheerful citizens. If
the Indian government believed otherwise, it would have held a plebiscite in
its section of Kashmir and put the question to rest. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman";">The idea that Pakistani control over
western Kashmir is equivalent to Indian control over the Valley (or even worse,
as many Indian patriots insist) reflects a similar ignorance of the history of
the dispute, as well as a willed distortion of present-day realities. In 1947,
when the various interested parties (the Congress, the Muslim League, the
National Conference, the Dogra monarchy) staked their claims, the National
Conference and its Kashmiri-nationalist but pro-India agenda was strong in the
Valley but not in the western regions that subsequently came under Pakistani
control. The Muslim League and its argument for two nations had greater public
support in the western areas, where there was a substantial Punjabi presence. Thus,
in a rather convenient twist of military circumstances, the Pakistani-held
portion was relatively pro-Pakistan, whereas the Indian-held Valley was already
inclined towards India if the conditions of partnership were met. While there was undoubtedly dissatisfaction with the particulars of Pakistani control
in western Kashmir, it never added up to the level of anger that developed in
Indian Kashmir, and it did not require similar levels of violence to suppress. “Azad
Kashmir” is misleading terminology, but less so than “integral part of India,”
and there is no crisis in “Azad Kashmir” that calls for an immediate solution.</span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman";">If we look at the predicament of the Pandits,
we cannot deny that they have suffered: brutalized by representatives of the local majority, ethnically cleansed from their
homeland, consigned to refugee camps elsewhere in India. It is reasonable to
argue that justice for Kashmiris should include justice for the Pandits as
well. But to use the Pandits as an excuse to reject Kashmiri aspirations is
neither reasonable nor sustainable. First of all, the expulsion of the Pandits
happened in the course of the militancy and the counterinsurgency; it was not a
triggering movement for either. Second, the counterinsurgency has not helped
the Pandits. Instead of producing the conditions of safety and confidence under
which they might return to Kashmir, it has generated only a bizarre plan for
segregated settlements under constant Indian military protection. If that plan
is implemented, it will only institutionalize the alienation of the Pandits
from Kashmiri society, and produce a new political-military problem reminiscent
of Jewish settlements in the West Bank. Finally, the narrative of the martyred
Pandit ignores the fact that the small minority group was overwhelmingly favored
by the Dogra monarchy, and continued to enjoy a very large share of government
jobs, contracts and administrative access after 1947. (It can be pointed out
that they also occupied the Indian Prime Minister’s chair for about forty
years.) Such disproportionate power inevitably generates resentment. Justice
for the displaced Pandits can be achieved, if it is not too late, only within
the larger framework of justice for Kashmiris. It will have to come from the
Kashmiris (many of whom are sympathetic to the Pandits but not to their
patrons); Indian attempts to force it will backfire.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman";">The Realpolitik arguments are no less
shaky than those based on misreading the specific history of Kashmir’s
relationship to India. They collapse the different layers, phases and
affiliations of Kashmiri nationalism into a single plot that can be described
variously as “terrorist,” “jihadi” or “Pakistani.” No distinction then remains
between a secular Kashmiri-nationalist outfit like the (now almost defunct) JKLF,
a religiously-inspired but also Kashmiri-nationalist organization like the
Hizbul Mujahedeen (which</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman";">, unlike other "mujahedeen" such as Al Qaida or ISIS, has no agenda beyond Kashmiri sovereignty)</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman";">, and groups like the Lashkar-e-Toiba and Jaish-e-Mohammed,
which are not Kashmiri at all, but transnational jihadi organizations based in
Pakistan and controlled (not always effectively) by Pakistani military intelligence. There are also
the many political groups, some stridently separatist and others inclined to
cooperate with the Indian state, that form the Hurriyat All-Parties Conference or political umbrella of Kashmiri nationalism. The outliers, clearly, are the
non-Kashmiri jihadis, who by any reasonable definition of terrorism, are the only “terrorists” in this cluster of factions opposing the status quo. It is only they who have consistently
attacked civilian targets, both in Kashmir and in India proper. Their presence
and impact in the Valley have been declining for the past fifteen years. (The Pakistani
military has partially “turned off the tap,” so to speak, under US pressure.) </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman";">Yet it is the non-Kashmiri jihadis – and
their leaders, like Hafeez Sayeed – that hard-headed Indian observers apparently
fear when they say that Kashmir without Indian control would become a terrorist
den. The anxiety misses not only the weakness of such groups in the Valley, but
also the reality that the Kashmiris themselves tolerated them because they
troubled the Indian occupiers. Without an Indian occupation, that tolerance
would dry up, and foreign jihadis would have little to do in Kashmir. They would
not even have a reason to carry out attacks in India, which they attack in the
name of Kashmir. If they wanted to do so at the bequest of the Pakistani
military, they could do it from across the Punjab border. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman";">To assume that “terrorists” would take
over Kashmir if there was no Indian occupation underestimates the strength and
substance of Kashmiri nationalism. It is a fully-fleshed ideology and infrastructure
that goes back to the National Conference in the 1930s and that is represented today
in the Hurriyat. There is, in other words, no shortage of negotiating partners
for the Indian government whose objectives are as rational, and as irrational,
as those of any other nationalist: sovereignty, self-government, independence.
There is every likelihood that the Pakistani government will seek to maintain
its influence over a sovereign Kashmir, but there is no guarantee that it will
succeed. (If such influence could be taken for granted, Bangladesh would be an
Indian client state, which it most assuredly is not. The reasons are the same
as in Kashmir: Bangladeshis may have welcomed Indian intervention in 1971, but
they did not throw off Pakistani control to replace it with Indian
overlordship.) On the contrary, any negotiated independence for Kashmir would
almost certainly include provisions for limiting or excluding direct Pakistani
military control, just as Indian control would be limited or excluded, either
through demilitarization or through joint Indo-Pakistani protection of Kashmiri
sovereignty. But the primary limit would be Kashmiri nationalism itself.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman";">If the Indian defense of the national posture on Kashmir was
based merely on bad history and mistaken assumptions, it would not be so
resilient. The resilience comes first and foremost from the emotional power of
the nationalist imagination, which, for all its noble protestations of loving
one’s “fellow man” (albeit within national limits), is even more basically a
narcissistic vision of the self. For Indian nationalists, more than most, that
vision has long been tied to an anthropomorphic map – Bharat Mata in her sari, like a bazaar calendar – in which Kashmir forms the head. There is no denying the power of that map; no Indian who grew up with it is immune to its visceral appeal, which is the appeal of birth and survival itself. That is how Indian
nationhood was fleshed out, with Bankim’s motherland acquiring the
features of Abanindranath Tagore’s Mother India and Savarkar’s
geography of Hindusthan. Within this imagination, “losing” Kashmir amounts to
decapitation, or an almost unimaginable mutilation of identity.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman";">The map at the center of that identity
is, ironically, a colonial map. It is not an old map. Its basic shape emerged
in 1849, when the British completed their conquest of Punjab. It does not
coincide with any ancient Indian state, and the concept of Bharat Mata did not exist before the nineteenth century. It is not even
a single map, because the original fetish that moved the nationalists of the
Swadeshi era was replaced, in 1947, by a relatively slender figure. Then too, outraged
nationalists cried “vivisection” and “mutilation” (and blamed the British), but
soon became entirely accustomed to the new map, to the extent that they lost
nearly all familiarity with the severed “arms” and had no difficulty thinking
of them as enemy territory. In the slimmed-down, post-Partition Mother India,
Kashmir remains the head, but had Kashmir become a part of Pakistan in 1947,
Indians would have adjusted, just as they adjusted to the rest of the
“vivisection.” The unthinkable prospect of decapitation reflects an inability
to see past one’s nose of the moment.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman";">The fundamental consequence of that
excessive attachment to a recent map is that land, rather than people, has become
the substance of Indian nationhood. Keeping one’s cartographic head has become
essential; the inhabitants might as well be lice. A <a href="https://in.news.yahoo.com/10-breathtaking-photos-of-kargil-that-remind-us-124207896.html" target="_blank">recent article </a>on the
Internet featured images of the Kargil region and reminded readers that Indian
soldiers had died to protect the beautiful landscape. This is popular wisdom
and patriotism. There has, in fact, been a significant shift in Indian
discourse on this point. For much of the history of the republic, Indian nationalists
insisted that Kashmiris were Indians too, even when they protested otherwise.
That insistence distinguished the Indian position on Kashmir from the Israeli stance
on Palestine: whereas the Zionists claimed the land but rejected the native
inhabitants, India claimed the land as well as the people, preserving a saving
grace of sorts. In the virulent rhetoric that has surfaced since the killing of
Burhan Wani, however, it has become common, and acceptable, for Indians to
suggest that if Kashmiris do not wish to be part of India, they can simply “go
to Pakistan,” or even more simply, be killed by the army, leaving the land to Indian tourists, who can, presumably, enjoy
the houseboats and mountains without the complicating presence of so many Kashmiris.
The latter are desirable only when they agree to be part of the landscape. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman";">We have arrived, thus, at a point where
the disconnection of Indian nationhood from the consent of the governed has
become both naked and respectable. It is not that nobody can see the similarities with the Pakistani position on Bangladesh in
1971: “integral part of Pakistan,” “most are loyal, only a few troublemakers
instigated by a foreign power,” “terrorists,” “traitors,” "anti-national elements," “Indian incursions.”
It is that a map in which the citizen sees his own human image makes it
traumatic to attach value to the concept of citizenship, which is a concept of
rights invested in a community that has consented to its association with a
particular territory, including, most basically, the right to live in that
associated territory. The “go to Pakistan” line has typically been used in
India to threaten Muslims, who are already enshrined as barely tolerated aliens in the
national body. (Indian tolerance ceases to operate when a Muslim complains about intolerance. He or she is immediately shouted down and advised to go to Pakistan.) Now that line is applied to an entire people in its own
territory, effectively turning Kashmiris into just Muslims, who – like Muslims
in Maharashtra or Uttar Pradesh – may or may not be tolerated on “Indian soil.” </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman";">The irrelevance of consent also informs
the argument that Kashmiri secession would lead other Indian states to leave
the union, destroying the republic. The the principles of the republic, rather
than its geography or map, form the leading edge of this narrative. For that
reason, there is a poignancy to it: a faith in liberal democracy, in secular
and constitutional government, and in the Nehruvian principle that the
independent Indian state would be a force for justice, both within and without
India. Nationhood and sovereignty, in this vision, do not simply exist; they
need a purpose, which Nehru summarized as the willingness to “wipe every tear
from every eye.” This, I think, is the most serious objection to “letting
Kashmir go.” It is also, however, fundamentally self-defeating.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman";">The fear of disintegration reflects a lack
of confidence in the republic: an anxiety that is woven into Indian nationalism,
which has coped by devaluing the republic itself. The anxiety is the whispered
belief that the Indian state is inherently the project of a minority that can,
at best, maintain a benign coercion as its modality of governance. And indeed, the
fear is valid. The nationhood of justice and fundamental rights was only occasionally
the dominant ideology of the Indian state. They were compromised from the very
outset; the Constitution is not a pristine document of liberal democracy, as
even a cursory glance at Article 19 (which deals with freedom of speech) will
show. For the middle class, i.e., the national vanguard, the purpose of justice
almost immediately became secondary to the purpose of “security,” by which they
meant the security of their class and the security of the map they fetishized.
They also meant consuming the pornography of security: fighter planes and
tanks, tales of military “glory” and exhortations to remember “sacrifices.” As in Pakistan, celebrities (M.S. Dhoni,
Sachin Tendulkar, assorted movie stars) were encouraged to associate themselves with the military, and
one can hardly read the news without being subjected to the mandatory worship
of “bravehearts” (the term borrowed from a Hollywood movie) and “Lest we forget”
headlines (borrowed from British sentimentality in the First World War). It
might be said that whereas Pakistan is a highly militarized society, middle-class
India desperately wants to be one, especially if somebody else can be persuaded
to do the fighting. But the embrace of the soldier – not the voter – as the
ideal citizen, and the consumption of security, has never meant
the security of tribal populations, the poor and religious minorities, let
alone the right of Kashmiris to be secure from the agents of security. Even the
middle class now finds itself subjected to the vocabulary, boots and batons of security, as
university students, professors, journalists, activists, and critics of the
government are immediately labelled “anti-national.” Being for the most part
good nationalists, they do not make the connection with Kashmir. But the
connection is real: anybody can become an honorary Kashmiri. Nationhood, in which justice is a luxury (in the sense that
it is frivolous and also in the sense that it must be purchased privately), and
“security” is the vital consideration, becomes pathological if the state must be held
together by force, losing even its benign premises. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman";">It does not, however, automatically
disintegrate. Whatever its purpose, and whether or not it is experienced as
benign, Indian nationalism is a powerful ideology and institution;
if it were not so, Kashmir, the states of the Northeast and even Tamil Nadu
would all be long gone from the union. But it is not equally strong everywhere,
because the various pieces of the map did not come through the same experience
of colonial rule and anti-colonial mobilization. There is a core and a
periphery, easy enough to identify. Not even Indians are persuaded by the
Indianness of the northeast, for instance, in spite of decades of
counterinsurgency and AFSPA. The northeast, like Kashmir (or Pakistani Bengal)
is a kind of desperate afterthought to the nation-state. In the core,
Indian federalism has successfully (although not easily, if one recalls the language crises of the 1950s and '60s) organized and accommodated linguistic
diversity within a common nationhood with a shared historical narrative; there
is little danger here of disintegration along ethnic lines. That is, indeed, an
extraordinary achievement, with few parallels elsewhere in the world. Religious
diversity has found no such accommodation. The secession of the only
Muslim-majority state in the union, or a part of that state, would be a blow to
a particular fantasy of secular India, but it would not necessarily shatter the
core. Even without the head, the body would probably survive. If it does not,
it does not deserve to, and should not. It is worth preserving, but not at any
cost, when somebody else must pay the price.</span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman";">The poignancy of the fear of disintegration
also lies in the fact that the Indian map can, and does, represent a romantic
cosmopolitanism: the coming together of Punjabis and Upeewallas, Malayalis and
Oriyas, on a shared historical stage. It is the romance of a big country and
big identity, and even in the moth-eaten India that emerged from the Partition,
Indianness has become progressively bigger. Bengalis in the early twentieth
century still imagined living in Delhi or Bombay as a kind of exile; their
descendants in the present time are very much at home in Rajasthan, as
Marwaris are in Calcutta. “Interstate” marriages, “mixed” children and
competence in multiple vernaculars are no longer unusual. This cosmopolitanism is
an aspect of justice: a transcendence of provinciality and pettiness, an
expansion of one’s sense of home and kinship, of what is normal, what is
malleable. There is something humanizing about growing up with the acceptance
of difference, and with the understanding that old hierarchies and prejudices
must give way to, or at least make room for, new civic and social
relationships. It has appealed, historically, both to nationalists of the right
(like Savarkar, who wanted a Bengali sister-in-law) and of the left (like
Nehru); it appealed also to those who (like Rabindranath Tagore) came to see
nationalism as a childish constriction of identity and empathy, but retained
their sense of being rooted in a particular land. </span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman";">There is, however, a critical
difference between the cosmopolitanism of the left, and that of the right. It is a
wonderfully expansive thing for a Bengali to stand in Karnataka, or in Kashmir
for that matter, and feel that he belongs there. It is something else entirely
for him to feel that it belongs to him, even when the people who actually
live there feel otherwise. There is, in the latter case, no romance
of kinship: the Midnight’s Children phenomenon of a community that is miraculous not only because it has discovered itself, but also
because it has made itself. There is only pathetic insecurity and the nationhood of self-occupation, in which rights and kinship are simultaneously sacrificed to a map and a Mel Gibson movie.</span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman";">July 28, 2016</span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<br /></div>
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<br /></div>
</div>
Satadru Senhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/01130077806377387996noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6906155419903605634.post-56824346256891448282016-06-12T01:11:00.000-04:002016-06-13T21:56:32.485-04:00The Stanford Rape <div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<img border="0" src="http://www.satadrusen.com/images/stories/home/thumbs/imgp8577xsm.jpg" height="100" width="150" />The “Stanford
rape”, in which a freshman named Brock Turner raped an
inebriated and unconscious woman, has become a spectacular layer-cake
of contemporary American pathologies. It has given all of us – journalists,
politicians, academics, bloggers, “activists” – something to contemplate with
outrage. This community of outrage has, I think, taken the form of a mob that
has reached a moral and political consensus. The outrage itself, however, contains
a number of fractures that are worth a closer look, and that are quite
revealing about how we punish and how we constitute ourselves as a public in
this country. None of it is remotely edifying.</div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
The rape that Turner
committed is the least remarkable part of the spectacle. It is, after all, the
spectacle of widely endorsed entitlements – that of the white male, that of the
economically privileged male, and that of the male athlete – rolled into the
behavior of an undergraduate. What Turner did is so commonplace, in its pieces
if not in its totality, that it is not just his parents (who have tried to
defend him, rather stupidly) who share in the culpability. We can find traces
of Turner in every small town where adults show up to watch high-school football
games and seventeen-year-old boys are heroes of the community. It indicates,
among other things, a refusal to grow up: a permanent infatuation with the
combination of testosterone, violence and adolescent irresponsibility, and a worshipful
identification with the sites of that combination. This is a model of community
premised on the carnivorous camaraderie of young males. Females inhabit it as
cheerleaders and meat. When this settler-colonial masculinity – the association
of the little school on the prairie – is fortified and extended by corporate
sponsorship, university scholarships, over-involved alumni-fans and the
bros-and-hos dynamic of the frat party, we get the incitement to sexual conquest
that produced Brock Turner. </div>
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<br /></div>
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It is tempting,
no doubt, to see Turner’s parents as enablers, if not instigators, and to turn
on them for their angry and defensive response to his punishment. But to
dogpile on family members attempting to cope with disaster in the full glare of
the media and public opprobrium, and to fault them for not being more concerned
with the victim of the crime, is quite bizarre. Parents in that situation will
defend their children, no matter how unsustainable the defense. Likewise, public
introspection can hardly be expected to be their immediate reaction or priority.
They may very well have shared some of the assumptions that Brock Turner
exhibited when he forced himself on an unconscious woman, but the entitlement
to “twenty minutes of action,” even if it is taken literally, is not the
obscure disease of a margin of society. We cannot eradicate it without
rethinking institutions and a “way of life” in which we are very broadly
implicated: campus life, youth culture, team sports, success. Nor can we assume
that we, in the community of outrage, are entirely and reliably immune to it.</div>
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<br /></div>
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The sentence imposed
on Turner has drawn as much criticism, if not more, than the crime itself. It
has been suggested that a non-white or poor defendant would have received more
severe punishment, and that Turner – the privileged white boy – got nothing
more than a slap on the wrist from a sympathetic white, male judge. That
position is indefensible. It is true that a black rapist, or one who was not a
successful athlete at an elite university, would probably have received more
than the six months in a county jail (three with good behavior) that Turner
got. The discrepancy is undeniably appalling, and Turner’s sentence <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">is</i> scandalous. But the scandal is not
what it appears to be. Most of those who have broadcast their outrage at the
sentence have overlooked the fact that six (or three) months in jail is not the
main substance of Turner’s punishment. Those months are, in the main, a gesture
of punishment, and a semi-obsolete gesture at that. In a society that
fetishizes incarceration, the public reflexively expects to see imprisonment
after a conviction. In the process, however, it can overlook the reality that
imprisonment in America has been entwined, since the 1990s, not only with the
rhetoric of institutional failure (articulated as overcrowding and recidivism) that
is as old as the modern prison itself, but also with less theatrical forms of
punishment and control. These are not as visually impressive as orange
jumpsuits, but they are equally flawed in conception and damaging in execution.</div>
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<br /></div>
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The core of
Turner’s punishment, as anyone who has been paying attention must realize, is the
requirement that he register as a sex offender, and the felony record itself.
Taken together, these ensure that he will remain under intrusive police
supervision for the rest of his life. He will not be able to live where he
wants, he will have to report to the police every time he moves, and he must
stay away from certain (and sometimes not so certain) areas. On some days, like
Halloween, he may be required to stay indoors and hang a “Beware of Sex
Offender” sign on his door. People concerned for their children’s safety, or
moved by curiosity, will be able to look up his name and address online, harangue
him on the street, and petition his landlord to throw him out. In most states,
he will not be able to vote. Various foreign countries will block him from entering
their territories. Most importantly, his ability to pursue a profession will be
crippled. Every time he applies for a job, he will have to disclose his crime,
simultaneously shaming and disqualifying himself. There is no realistic way for
him to get off the registry, or to retire his criminal record. This is hardly
the lot of a criminal who has escaped punishment. It is the lot of a
seventy-year old pariah who is still paying for a crime he committed when he
was hardly twenty. Many, if not most, in Turner’s position would have preferred a prison
sentence that actually ended with “time served.”</div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
That, as much as
the near-certainty that a black man would have <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">also </i>received a stiff prison term in addition to all of the above
penalties, is the scandal of Turner’s sentence. Like eighteenth-century English
juries that displayed a reluctance to convict because they wanted to protect
defendants from a savage regime of punishment, the judge in Turner’s case
appears to have done what he could to mitigate the consequences of the conviction.
In doing so, he may have showed his social biases; he certainly showcased an
institutional bias that was never in doubt. But he also showed the limits of
what elected judges can do to interpret the law. He could not (or at any rate,
did not) overturn the conviction, or stop the more or less automatic
punishments it carried. Turner’s whiteness, money and standing as a Stanford
athlete may have saved him some prison time, but his life was over as soon as
he was convicted.</div>
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<br /></div>
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Race and class
are indeed relevant to Turner’s punishment, but in ways that are quite
different from what the critics of his sentence have underlined. The various
registries and regulations for mandatory and quasi-mandatory sentencing that
emerged in the 1990s, and that continue to form a cornerstone of American
law-enforcement and punishment, were intended primarily to control urban criminals
and “super-predators” (to borrow Hillary Clinton’s racially coded term): to
contain, in other words, the poor and colored scum that had not been locked up
by the incarcerating zeal of the Reagan-Bush era. They utilized a broad brush,
eschewing nuance as a political weakness and an administrative handicap. The
sex offender registry, in particular, was notoriously but deliberately
promiscuous. It indiscriminately included people who had been caught urinating by
the roadside, flashers, molesters of six-year-olds, teachers who had had sex
with high school students, sellers of pornography, people with child porn on
their computers, rapists who had bludgeoned or maimed their victims, dates who had not
taken no for an answer, and, of course, innocent people who had been convicted
of such offenses because they looked the part. New York City only recently
changed its laws to exempt street urinators from criminal conviction and
registration. The lack of intelligent discrimination in offenses and penalties
was both a posture (“tough on crime”) on the part of lawmakers and prosecutors,
and a calculation intended to take the human element out of judgment and give severe
punishment a machine-like certainty. That promise of certainty reassured middle-class
whites, who did not anticipate – does anyone ever anticipate? – that they might
themselves fall in the path of their machine of judge-proof, defense-attorney-proof,
nuance-free security.</div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
The concept of
security is itself quite relevant, because the extension of punishment beyond
the prison term and into a diffuse and permanent condition is the sign of an
epidemic of insecurity and a related willingness to expand the surveillance
state. It is inseparable from the ubiquitous video cameras, Homeland Security,
the NSA, no-fly lists, and the culture of “If you see something, say
something.”<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Less readily visible are a
set of connections that take us back to the American rejection of adulthood in
favor of innocence. Mandatory sentencing, laws named after lost children, registries
and permanent surveillance all reflected an extraordinary anxiety about the
vulnerability of juveniles. Not only was there an explosive intensification, in
precisely this period, of the fear that strangers were out to hurt our
children, entire populations – college students in particular – were
infantilized by administrators and faculty. This was not necessarily a top-down
swaddling; students – especially those who believed they were marginal and
oppressed – showed great interest in swaddling themselves. In the process, they
and their older well-wishers equipped the state (and a host of state-backed
entities) with the intrusive, arbitrary and all-pervasive power of super-parents.
Below the imagined layer of protection, there was only fear: the familiar fear
of child molesters, rapists, terrorists, blacks, Muslims and immigrants that
gives the contemporary state its scope and rationale.</div>
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<br /></div>
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This is not a
state that possesses, or is expected by its protégés to possess, the capability
for nuance; that has been jettisoned in the quest for safety. It is, therefore,
appropriately represented not only by the ultra-violent police, but also by the
self-righteous mob baying for blood. The individual members of this mob are
quite certain that none of them, or their son, would ever commit a sexual
offense or crime of any kind, even though they participate in a society
saturated with incitement to precisely such behavior. The mob may have a valid
moral point. Indians who demonstrated on the streets of Delhi after the rape
and murder of Jyoti Singh Pandey undoubtedly had a moral point. But in
demanding the death penalty for rapists without thinking through the problems
posed by the death penalty for all of society, to say nothing of their own
complicity in chronic forms of “legitimate” and “illegitimate” violence, they
were worse than villagers with pitchforks, who at least have no pretensions to
liberal citizenship. Much the same can be said for those who seem to think that the
American state should sentence a twenty-year-old to a lifetime of social and
professional leprosy, and still feel that that is not punishment enough. </div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
The consequences
of this mob mentality go well beyond any particular miscarriage of justice. It
raises, first of all, an echo of old English juries and the Bloody Code: when
the law is an ass, it opens itself to subversion from within the judiciary.
Secondly, despite the likelihood that judicial bias provided some minor relief
from legal stupidity in Turner’s case, the burden of stupid laws and procedures
inevitably fall disproportionately upon the socially disadvantaged, who are
most likely to be brought to trial, inadequately defended, and convicted.
Third, the unrestrained public outrage we are witnessing is fascist and
childish. It is childish in its lack of proportion and perspective, and fascist
in its bullying quality, in which everybody feels the need to join in
pulverizing the captured criminal. It is fascist also in its demand for declarations
of self-repudiation and public repentance, which eviscerate the concept of privacy
of the soul – even that of the criminal – without which liberal democracy
cannot survive. It marks the corruption of the judicial process by a notion of
“victim’s rights” that exceeds legality itself, introducing emotional readings of
statements about how badly the victim felt after being raped. (Is a rape victim
likely to feel something other than bad? Would a victim who was not a Stanford
student, and not as capable of writing an eloquent statement, be less worthy of
attention from Joe Biden, not to mention a national commotion?) When trial and punishment become a spectacle of "feelings," including tearful suffering and confession, and inevitably, the observer's need for spectacular satisfaction, we enter the terrain of witch-burning, which has never been far removed from the American courthouse and prison. </div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
Fascism, it is
worth remembering, is not a binary quality that a state either possesses or
does not possess. It is a ubiquitous tendency within modernity, utilizing specific histories and cultural resources, that must be identified,
confronted and contained in every society and state. A fascism of the left,
undergirding a community of fear and vindictiveness, is no less real or
obnoxious than a fascism of the right. A man has been convicted of a serious
crime, although hardly an extraordinary one. He should be able to receive a reasonable
punishment and then get on with his life, without becoming the scapegoat
of a savage civilization.</div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
June 11, 2016</div>
</div>
Satadru Senhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/01130077806377387996noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6906155419903605634.post-15573873001404887532016-06-06T19:53:00.003-04:002016-06-07T17:30:25.668-04:00Muhammad Ali and Celebrity Culture<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<div style="text-align: center;">
<img alt="" class="OJTUNIC-g-m" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhqDltmctnbI6etMxG_5OKNl6xL0ONysdcrlnVdYp6gFeQJdeUs26_ZHt5IWSAvPY7sit1FTZE6snxNO8ICwwsEBeA-DRb7zKa2hIbZzCNBQRY_LV1PZ7W5SBEgJf6PD0xSd_5Da5F_pHNI/s220/imgp5732asm.jpg" /> </div>
<br />
The death of
Muhammad Ali this week once again focused attention on the cultural work of
remembering a celebrity. Undoubtedly, if Ali had been a great boxer and nothing
more, remembrance would have been less substantial than it was.
He was, after all, a man whose heyday preceded the Internet and cable
television. What gave the legend of ‘The Greatest’ its substance is Ali’s
record of outspoken political activism, especially his opposition to the
Vietnam War. Celebrities with pet causes are not very hard to find in America,
but in Ali’s case it was not posturing. It was an intelligent,
sophisticated stance that connected the racism of Jim Crow with the racism of a
murderous foreign policy, and that came with the willingness to make real sacrifices.
When he refused to fight in Vietnam, he did not flee to Canada: he stayed and
took the punishment, and gave up some of the best years of his athletic career.
Dr. King (or Gandhi) could not have asked for more.</div>
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It was
extraordinary, but simultaneously, it was not so. While is tempting to regard celebrities
– athletes in particular – as freaks, they are products and emblems of their historical
moment. Ali was a part of the trajectory of the racial politics of America
after the Second World War, following in the wake of Jackie Robinson and Willie
Mays. He was more publicly angry than them, and famously less modest, marking a
crucial transition of ‘mood’ within a wider civil rights movement that brought
us the Nation of Islam, Malcolm X and the Black Panthers. The shift from
tight-lipped forbearance (not deference) to undisguised anger and self-praise in
the public sphere coincided with the willingness to connect the dots between
racism in America, which obviously involved black Americans, and racism in
foreign policy, which in the imperial world was a white man’s domain. Many whites
who tolerated Martin Luther King’s Civil Rights activism recoiled when he began
to speak out against the Vietnam War: he had gone beyond the permissible
boundaries of the ongoing American conversation about race. But looked at in another way, it
reflected a permission that came from blackness itself: a transgression that was
enabled, even incited, by a culture – and not just black culture – that had
discovered the excitement and moral legitimacy of rebellion but not yet found a
sophisticated method of containment. It made for a brief moment when black
Americans (and not just athletes) could stand on the international stage and
clench their fists like John Carlos and Tommie Smith, provided they were
willing to pay a price. </div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
The price paid
enhanced, rather than diminished, their status as public figures. The place of
public sacrifice to the making of blackness in the Civil Rights era was not
immediately evident to white observers. Hannah Arendt, for instance, reacted
with outrage to black parents who exposed their children to tear gas and police
dogs on the streets of southern cities. It had to be explained to her that the
parents were neither callous nor cowardly, but engaged in a coherent moral
strategy. To her credit, she came to understand what moved parents to put children in harm's way, beginning with the recognition that they were already in harm's way. Whereas the idea of the sacrificing parents
was hardly new to the self-image of a beleaguered minority, the publicly
demonstrated willingness to risk losing what was most precious supported the
claim on public space itself, and made for a new, public, racial substance.</div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
For men, the visible combination
of sacrifice and transgression disrupted a
long-established line between childhood and adulthood in the American
construction of race. The infantilization of the black male – the phenomenon of
grey-haired men being addressed as ‘boy’ by whites young enough to be their
sons – was an old strategy of racial intimidation, with its immediate roots in the terrorism
that overtook the South after the Tilden-Hayes Compromise of 1877 ended the
Reconstruction. Even older roots can be found in the soil of the plantation
presided over by the paternal slave-owner, where to be (publicly) the slave and the (unacknowledged) child
of the white man could be literally the same thing. It was the interruption of
this existential childish (or more generously, childlike) condition by the
Reconstruction, with its spectacle of adult black men engaged in the public
life of citizenship, that spurred the terror of the Klan. The black man was a
political and sexual rival, but a ‘boy’ was either harmless or perverse, or dead, even when he intruded into the public eye.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
The possibility
that black Americans had internalized their infantilization proved to be a raw
nerve for writers of the post-World-War-II period, as evidenced by the
controversy over Richard Wright’s novel <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Native
Son. </i>Wright’s Bigger Thomas – a nightmarish genie in bottle of violence –
may have been deserving of sympathy, but he was also emotionally, intellectually
and morally stunted. In a series of commentaries on the book that effectively
destroyed their friendships with the author, Ralph Ellison and James Baldwin both
took Wright to task for perpetuating a racist construction of the black
man-child, especially in an era when colonial subjects from India to Senegal
were becoming citizens not only of their nation-states, but of the world. Wright
had, of course, intended his famous protagonist to exemplify the damage done by
racism and the explosive threat that damaged men posed to society, and it is as difficult to deny the psychological truth of Bigger Thomas as it is to deny that of Raskolnikov. Ellison
and Baldwin, however, argued that it was an incomplete truth, and that Bigger, with his inarticulate violence, had been
locked by his author into a particularly pernicious ghetto, in which the
signifiers of adulthood – reason, wit, politics, art, agency, the awareness
that home is located in a world of justice and injustice – were absent
and impossible. </div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
Ali, who was
more a contemporary of Ellison and Baldwin than of Wright,
added those signs of manhood and public wholeness to the subjectivity of the black American
celebrity. Indeed, he made them constitutive of celebrity. The combination of adulthood
and the overt violence of the boxer was potent stuff,
and this potency can in no way be separated from Ali’s famous sex appeal. It was threatening (and thrilling) not so much because Ali
was exceptional, as because he was in the vanguard of a wider rejection of the ghetto
of children. Indeed, it can be argued that the systematic destruction of the
various Black Power movements in the late sixties and seventies by the agencies
of the state, in which extra-legal violence was freely used, was aimed
at defeating this breakout and restoring the boundaries of Bigger Thomas’
world, transgression of which was merely criminal: a police matter.</div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
It would, of
course, be inaccurate to say that the restoration has been complete. But the
fact that we find Ali’s political bent to be extraordinary suggests that there
has been a real rollback. Black American celebrities are far more common today
than they were when Ali made his inflammatory remarks about Vietnam. Remarks
about a country that has literally been set on fire should be inflammatory; it
is soothing rhetoric that is outrageous in such circumstances. But for the most
part, we have stepped back from the fiery stuff, Black Lives Matter notwithstanding. The apparent step backwards
has not been towards the stoicism of a Jackie Robinson or even Nichelle
Nichols, but in the direction of the pouting narcissism of Kanye West, in which
self-love is totally disconnected from solidarity. It is connected, instead, to
consumerism: what one buys and shows off, what one’s name is used to sell, and
one’s own marketed image. It is connected, in spite of the content of rap
lyrics, to a fundamentally inarticulate image of the petulant man-child who
needs a mother – or a record company – to manage his petulance. </div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
It is essential
that this critique not slip into a dishonest or hypocritical rant about ‘the
black celebrity’ today, particularly when the critic is located outside or on
the margins of the black American experience. In 1986, when Chrissie Hynde
excoriated Janet Jackson’s generation of R&B musicians for having become
the Pepsi Generation (‘<a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ikEZpb28Zxs" target="_blank">How much did you get </a>for your soul?’), the validity of
the observation wilted before the irony of a white commercial artist scolding black
artists for being, well, commercial. Today, there can be little doubt that regardless
of color, celebrity status – and the public voice it potentially carries – is
far better contained by the marketplace than it was contained by <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">any </i>counter-authority in the 1960s. But
since color can hardly be disregarded when it comes to worldwide distributions
of power and resources, any context that appears to operate ‘regardless of
color’ is deceptive: it has been actively, politically neutralized. Its horizon has shrunk so dramatically that the world of injustice in which Ali fought and spoke, and that remained somewhat visible during the boycott of apartheid South Africa, is now quite invisible to those who seem to exist entirely in the public eye.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
The stultifying
effect of that containment is quite stark if we look beyond the American
setting towards places where the corporate annexation of mass culture is
relatively new. Sachin Tendulkar, for instance, is nearly a perfect example of iconic insularity. He had the good fortune of being one of
the handful of modern athletes who have inhabited a level of ‘greatness’ that
can come only from fortuitous cultural circumstances. Midway into his
career in the 1990s, he was already celebrated – and not just in India – as the
greatest batsman since Don Bradman, and certainly he had more media exposure
and adulation than Bradman did in the 1930s. But Tendulkar’s generation of Indian cricket
stars – wealthier, more famous and more in the public eye than any previous lot
of Indian athletes – were also extraordinarily buttoned up, even when they took
their shirts off and ran victory laps around the stadium. They had nothing to
say that went beyond platitudes, even about sport itself. They seemed incapable
of anger or organization. Literally the products of economic
liberalization, they were either privileged by the status quo or aspired to
privilege; they lived in the world but hid from it in moneyed enclosures.<br />
<br />
It
helped that they were mostly middle-class, upper-caste and Hindu, but even
those came from less secure social locations were generally uninterested in
provocation. The exceptions, like Vinod Kambli, received no quarter from the gods, and their
provocation was rendered as juvenile misbehavior. Unlike their predecessors,
who at least occasionally spoke their minds, Indian athletes who emerged after
1991 were superbly contained, to the extent that sacrifice became not only incomprehensible but meaningless. They were guarded men in every sense of the term. They knew better than to rock the gravy boat, comprising
their sponsors, their boards and their government (which had become
indistinguishable). They had, effectively, adopted the position of good
children, to be seen but not heard except in jingles and propaganda.
As men who saw, heard and spoke no evil, they were no less mutilated, and castrated, than
Bigger Thomas or Vinod Kambli.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
Ali was the
product of a cruder arrangement of control, in which rebellion was both more
imaginable and more compatible with celebrity status and public life. Its hallmark was an
assertive wholeness of eyes, ears, brain and tongue: a breaking out into the
world, not a zealous guarding of privacy. (We hear constantly how Tendulkar has
had to protect his privacy.) Ali had to be put in jail, not in a mansion, and jail made him stronger. Now
the mansion is containment enough. Outside the mansion, there is nothing except
paparazzi: no politics, no pain, no joy. The public stage that was once experienced as liberation is now experienced as layers of containment, compliance and conformity. We have, in a sense, gone from one
pole of extraordinary subjectivity, signified by rebelliousness and adulthood,
to another, signified by docility disguised as dignity.<br />
<br />
June 6, 2016 </div>
</div>
Satadru Senhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/01130077806377387996noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6906155419903605634.post-45713757975162658192016-05-04T12:06:00.004-04:002018-06-07T09:01:20.777-04:00When Doves Cry (For No Good Reason)<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman";">The deaths of first David Bowie and then
Prince, in fairly quick succession, have unleashed upon us –
us being the global middle class, although not equally global in all places – a
particular variation of the phenomenon of public mourning. I must admit to being
slightly repulsed by it. I liked Bowie and Prince, and listened to ‘Darling
Nikki’ with a certain relish when I was fifteen. But I was never what might be
considered a fan, and stand outside the circle of public mourning in which
everybody is not only a fan but a performer as well, acting out their love. Public mourning is, by its
nature, a performance. What is it about our moment that induces well educated,
ironically inclined individuals to openly self-flagellate and recite lyrics
like 'Dearly beloved, we are gathered here today to get through this thing
called life' as if this was profound or poetic? There is, obviously, more than one
factor at play, and these overlap: the impact of the recording industry on
individuality and generational identity, the intertwining of individuality and
loneliness, the yearning for community bred by loneliness, and the rise of
virtual communities of compulsive performers. In these communities,
subjectivity is necessarily and compulsively absurd, and this absurdity
occasionally loses its ironic cover and stands naked, reverent and ridiculous.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman";">The idea of a 'generation' did not fully
exist before the nineteenth century. It emerged from disjunctures in society
that were generated in the first instance by pedagogy and subsequently (and not
entirely separately) by capitalism. In colonized as well as metropolitan
societies, young people were subjected to educational regimes that differed
sharply from what their parents had experienced, and that produced the school
as a space that was ‘away’ from home. In this world apart, children were
definitively ‘different’ from their parents. This difference lent itself not
only to panic and condemnation by parents who could not ‘understand the kids’,
but to Romanticism and to the bourgeois experience itself, well before the turn
of the twentieth century. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman";">But the idea that <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">music</i> could form the boundaries and substance of a 'generation' had
to wait for the years following the First World War, not least because the war
produced further, sharper rents between those who fought, those who gave the
orders to fight, and those who looked on. These rents, Paul Fussell wrote, were
the spaces within which the ironic sensibility germinated and took over,
permanently dooming Victorians and Edwardians to quaintness. With the
simultaneous and mutually reinforcing maturing of gramophone technology and
commercial radio, and the emergence of a broad prosperity – especially in
America – that sold more things to more people than ever before, recorded music
became a primary vehicle of irony and irreverence, marking generational
identity more ‘naturally’ and democratically (for what is a generation if not
democratic?) than the old-school-tie and even literature ever could. It also
bridged, silently but substantially, the political rent between the
generations, establishing a contradiction that has remained integral to the
business of popular music. Those who participated in a common market of the buyers
and sellers of identity could never be entirely hostile to each other.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman";">Adapting F. Scott Fitzgerald, the American social historian Paula Fass used the phrase ‘the damned and the beautiful’ to
describe this first musical generation. The damnation and beauty were both ascribed
by outsiders (like disapproving pastors and salivating advertisers), but they
were also embraced by the generation itself, which gave it its peculiar narcissism:
that slightly doom-and-gloom inflected self-absorption that was entirely
compatible with hedonism and that colored the experience of the individual
undergraduate as well as the crowd at a party or a nightclub. After the coming
of the baby boom and rock and roll, that narcissism filled the concert venue
with its collective hysteria and waving cigarette-lighters, and gave U2 lyrics
their anthemic quality: the earnest, self-adoring ‘we’ of ‘we can break through,’ ‘we
can be one’ and ‘we are the world.’ In its merger of melancholy and euphoria,
loneliness and community, this subjectivity of the group-hug contained more
than a trace of the parallel phenomenon of fascism (to say nothing of the church), albeit with a better
soundtrack. Irony turned out to be an affectation, incompatible with the valorization of permanent childhood or a 'youth culture' one never outgrew.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman";">Even the quality of the soundtrack is misleading. Like fascism, the generational identity produced by the
consumption of music has come with a devaluing of aesthetics, or philistinism,
that manifests itself in inflated and distorted reactions to the deaths of rock
stars. It is one thing to hold forth publicly on ‘our grief’ at the evident mortality
of, say, John Lennon, or in the future, Bob Dylan and Michael Stipe. There is
in those cases an undeniable ideological and aesthetic content – that might be
summarized as poetry – worth mourning. But when the banality of 'Dearly beloved, we are
gathered here today to get through this thing called life' followed by a few
good guitar licks becomes the lexicon of grief, and we declare our undying 'love' for kitsch and dead pop musicians, what are ‘we’ mourning?
Along with poetry, we would seem to be devaluing grief itself.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman";">Most charitably, it might be argued that
we are mourning ourselves: ‘the way we were’ in, say, the year <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Purple Rain </i>played on FM radio. We are
trying, pathetically, to recover the disposed bits of ourselves from the
dustbins of generations, and from the dispersed souls – classmates,
neighbors, relatives, lovers, the dead – that have made a ghostly last stand on Facebook
and Twitter. The music and the musician’s name function like a photograph, and
it’s not especially good photography: a selfie, so to speak. That fundamentally
maudlin experience of self-love and panic (the ‘we’ breaking down into an ‘I’
that is shorter of breath, more than one day closer to death) is dignified and
assuaged ultimately by its immersion in a public ritual of nostalgia. It is not cheapened,
because it was cheap – affordable, throwaway, mass-marketed– in the first
place. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman";">May 4, 2016</span></div>
</div>
Satadru Senhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/01130077806377387996noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6906155419903605634.post-72326739295872972182016-02-19T10:53:00.000-05:002016-02-22T20:59:43.147-05:00Serbia With Nukes<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<img alt="" class="PXLWASD-g-m" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhqDltmctnbI6etMxG_5OKNl6xL0ONysdcrlnVdYp6gFeQJdeUs26_ZHt5IWSAvPY7sit1FTZE6snxNO8ICwwsEBeA-DRb7zKa2hIbZzCNBQRY_LV1PZ7W5SBEgJf6PD0xSd_5Da5F_pHNI/s220/imgp5732asm.jpg" /></div>
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;">In an <a href="http://www.haaretz.com/the-country-that-wouldn-t-grow-up-1.186721?v=9328D951C29F2365084636962340486B" target="_blank">essay</a> published in Haaretz in
2006, Tony Judt referred to Israel as ‘Serbia with nukes.’ The phrase was not
his own; he was citing an unnamed person, who was himself adapting Helmut Schmidt's dismissive description of the Soviet Union (‘Upper Volta with nukes’).
But Judt was not being random or flippant in his choice of analogies. A decade
after the war in what used to be Yugoslavia, Serbia still carried a stench. It
was not just the stench of massacred civilians, rape camps and ethnic
cleansing, but also of a particular kind of nationhood: one saturated with
aggression and self-pity. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Identified
(not least by themselves) with Slobodan Milosevic, Radovan Karadzic and Ratko
Mladic, Serbs appeared obsessed with wrongs – old and new – suffered at the
hands of outsiders and internal enemies, convinced that nobody understood their
insecurity in their own homeland, and driven by a monstrous, paranoid desire
for dominance. It warped them to the extent that they were no longer
recognizable as civilized, let alone liberal and democratic in the post-Cold-War
European self-image. They were, moreover, not only driven by a sense of their
own importance (to Europe and civilization), but actually not much more than a
small tribe of provincials. That Serbs themselves could acknowledge their pathology is evident in Srdan Spasojevic’s wryly titled <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">A Serbian Film</i>, which was promptly banned all over the world for
its unflinching depiction of a savage dystopia.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<br />
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;">When Judt suggested that Israel was ‘Serbia
with nukes,’ in the aftermath of brutal invasions of Gaza and Lebanon, he thus
pointed to a mode of civic identity and political functioning that is both
horrifying and laughable: the mode of an unbalanced child with deadly weapons,
a danger to itself as well to those around it. Watching events in India unfold
over the past few days, I was reminded of Judt’s use of the phrase, and wondered
if it does not describe India also. There too, a majority that is undeniably in
command of every sector of social, political and economic life is obsessed with
what it calls the ‘appeasement’ of minorities. There too, monstrous things have
happened, not just once in a while but as a matter of course. There too, world-power
pretensions are simultaneously desperate and ludicrous, because of the nationalist
conviction that the enemies that matter most (‘anti-national elements’) are
within its borders. The nationalist is, in other words, unable to pull his head
out of his ass: his vision of the world is limited by his uncontrollable
desire for revenge against what is within his own body. Even the obsession with Pakistan is
merely the displacement of an internal enmity to a location just beyond an
unconvincing border.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<br />
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;">It is useful to look at the JNU
crisis in the light – or rather, pitch darkness – of this rectal nationhood. In
some ways, what has happened at JNU must be welcomed: the attacks on students
by police and patriotic mobs, and the statements by various politicians
affiliated with the government, have clarified things. When sedition laws are deployed
against student politicians making speeches on campus, a defendant in a courtroom
is assaulted by goons (who are also lawyers!) in front of the police not once
but twice, and cabinet ministers declare that “the nation can never tolerate
insults to Mother India,” we should have no trouble using the word ‘fascism.’ Suddenly,
ordinary Indians – not just cranky academics – are using it, and even some who voted for the BJP in the last election are dismayed. References to
Germany in the 1930s are being bandied about more or less nakedly in the <a href="http://scroll.in/article/803856/faq-a-ready-reckoner-on-how-to-form-a-lynch-mob" target="_blank">Indian press</a>, to say nothing of the network of diasporic commentators and users of
social media. We need only be a little surprised that it took people so long
to follow the cranky academics and pseudo-secular bleeding hearts, who began
fretting after the 2014 election.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<br />
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;">The fascist attacks on JNU are
welcome also because they are not really about JNU, or even about any
particular principle associated with that university. They are, rather, about very
general ideas of the nature of the state, the content of nationhood and the meaning of dissent. It
happened at JNU, but it could have just as easily have happened at another
university, although in that case, the national anguish would probably have
been more muted. But because the arrest and beating of a student for giving a
mildly ‘anti-national’ speech happened at an institution that has long prized
its elite status, large numbers of Indians have been moved to identity with the
poor <i>jholawalas</i>. This, as I said, is a good thing, because if decent,
middle-class, Hindu citizens will not take to the streets or use the f-word
when pregnant Muslim women are cut open and fetuses ripped out, men are lynched
for having the wrong kind of meat in the fridge, and families are herded into
ghetto-like camps because their homes have gone up in flames, at least they
will march when the same forces come after smart, smartly dressed members of
the ‘majority community.’ Something extraordinary is happening in the country,
the Supreme Court opined yesterday. Indeed, but it did not start at JNU. At
most, it can be said that the JNU incident alerted the majority that it too can
be cast in the role of the ‘anti-national element.’ It produced an insight –
and such insights are rare for national majorities – that JNU and Naroda Patiya
are on the same continuum. It is that insight that is extraordinary. And
because it is difficult to bear, there is already the impulse to separate the
predicament of the <i>jholawalas </i>from the predicament of the circumcised. While the widespread impulse of Indian liberals and their foreign allies to 'stand in solidarity' with JNU is laudable, the <i>jholawalas </i>need our solidarity much less than do the <i>katuas</i>. If the dignity of the latter was assured, the former would have no trouble.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<br />
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;">It is comforting, no doubt, to rally
around ‘the Constitution’ in extraordinary times, or around ‘the republic,’ as
many alarmed Indians have done in the past week. This is understandable; one
needs handles to gain ideological traction. But the republic is not some pristine
principle, and the Indian Constitution, like any constitution, is a flawed political
product. Fetishizing them will take us only so far. The Constitution and the
republic have not prevented gross abuses of power in the past, from police
violence against the poor, Dalits and minorities, through brutal
counterinsurgency tactics in remote corners of the map, to stifled speech
at every turn. They have not prevented rampant discrimination in housing and employment,
or diverted polite, university-educated, middle-class citizens from
their smug conversations about ‘those people.’ (Most fascists are perfectly nice.)
The Sangh Parivar did not invent all this, and people have not always taken to
the streets (or Facebook) in protest. While some of those abuses are in the
nature of the modern state, others are specifically rooted in the Indian state,
which has attempted from the outset to deploy democracy without liberalism. It is
only now, when the outright fascists are in power, that the implications of
that formula have come home to roost, and citizens who have been at best
wishy-washy about liberal principles are reaching for the Constitution. But it
may very well be necessary to take a closer look at the Constitution itself –
and at the principles to which the citizen is willing to commit – before ‘the
republic’ can provide adequate protection against commonplace episodes of the extraordinary.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<br />
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;">There is, in addition, a dire need to
look again at the purposes of Indian nationhood. That nationhood needs a
purpose will, of course, appear nonsensical to some: to the dyed-in-the-wool
nationalist, especially on the political right, nationhood simply is. It
creates a state to protect its boundaries, and it regards dissent as a
challenge to its very existence. That is the starting point of
Serbia-with-nukes. Indian nationhood, however, has historically had a romantic
component that is intertwined with the idea of justice: the idea that
underlying the miraculous historical convergence of people from Kashmir to
Kanyakumari, Punjab to Assam, is the objective of doing ‘the right thing,’ and
not just for yourself. The right thing could be derived from the European Enlightenment
or from sources closer to home, but the principle guided a wide range of ideologues:
Nehru, Ambedkar, Gandhi, Rabindranath and even Bose, who was not a democrat. The
imperative of justice, and not just self-interest, produced something new in
the form of a national identity, a national space, and a national state. That,
really, is the only defensible reason to be a nationalist. Otherwise there is
no point in being so absurdly attached to arbitrary borders assembled by a regime
that everybody recognizes as illegitimate: the British-Indian colonial state.
Nor is there any point in arresting, beating and hanging those who question the
map.</span><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;">India is not Serbia or Israel, and
not just because it is much bigger in every way. But there has emerged in India
a tribe of Serbs, who appear superficially to be two different tribes. One is rustic, boorish, clad in saffron bandannas or khaki shorts, highly sensitive to 'insults to the nation,' and imbued with a predilection for murder and
rape. The other is suave, English-speaking (with the right private-school
accent), <a href="https://www.facebook.com/photo.php?fbid=929871877088508&set=a.499957306746636.1073741842.100001971148537&type=3&theater" target="_blank">well-shod</a>, and clad in neatly ironed shirts. They do not, as a
general rule, murder or rape. But because they share the vision of a nationhood
that is forever threatened by ‘anti-nationals,’ and that has no purpose except
revenge and dominance, they give their approval to the murderers and rapists, and
show themselves to be provincials of the worst sort. They are a menace to their
neighbors, compatriots and themselves, and no one is more responsible for the farcical
reality of a twenty-first-century nation-state that relies on mob violence to reassure itself of its permanence, continues to debate whether Shivaji was greater than Aurangzeb, and uses sedition laws against those who give the wrong answer.</span><br />
<br />
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;">February 19, 2016 </span></div>
</div>
Satadru Senhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/01130077806377387996noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6906155419903605634.post-85114077712458983592016-02-05T12:39:00.001-05:002016-02-08T08:47:35.454-05:00Lynch-mob nation<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify; text-indent: .5in;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;"><img alt="" height="100" id="Image2_img" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg5THYRtqJkHkH8-tl2l4r8XT3bKV7zgbpG_5ndQcNB1sP90pdDkGCEvgDWkcO7kTPuNLHqLyRC2p7pghTXPARnlKvpOS_v2ab-7EWBs7xJfvFWsjtipTF91k1Sq1utYYE0swTlyPwEtNVZ/s220/imgp8577xsm.jpg" width="150" />In the cosmopolitan southern city of Bangalore this week, a Tanzanian woman
was dragged out of a car, beaten, partially stripped, and ‘paraded’ by a mob.
Her assailants, it seems, were angry about an unrelated accident, in which a
Sudanese student had hit and killed a pedestrian. The details are appalling:
when the young Tanzanian tried to escape her tormentors by jumping on a bus,
the passengers threw her back to the crowd, and when she tried to file a report
with the police, she was sneeringly told to produce the Sudanese man (whom she
did not know) first. The scrap of comfort that can be gleaned here is that one bystander
had stepped forward to help the woman, only to beaten mercilessly by the mob. But
there has also been some anguish about ‘what we have become’: how racist, how
lawless, and so on. Even the contributors to the <a href="http://www.ndtv.com/bangalore-news/tanzanian-student-alleges-she-was-stripped-beaten-in-bengaluru-1273304" target="_blank">comments</a> sections in the mainstream press have recoiled, in the equivalent of an embarrassed crowd. Since <a href="http://www.ndtv.com/kerala-news/kerala-temple-mourns-the-muslim-man-whose-lynching-was-filmed-1273933?pfrom=home-south" target="_blank">lynching</a> and mob violence are neither new nor rare in the modern
Indian experience, however, it is worth asking whether the assumption that
there has been a change for the worse – a moral and civic decline – is actually
justified, and when lynching becomes commonplace.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify; text-indent: .5in;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;">For those familiar with Indian public
life and its <a href="http://satadru-sen.blogspot.com/2015/10/meat-and-murder.html" target="_blank">patterns of violence</a>, what happened to the Tanzanian woman is
almost entirely familiar, and not just because of the rage that lurks below the
surface of relations between the car-borne and the pedestrian. The particulars
of the Bangalore incident are easily recognizable as the idiom of violence
against low-caste women in rural areas and provincial towns, and even urban
women on ‘festive’ occasions. In a patriarchal society, there is nothing like
<a href="http://satadru-sen.blogspot.com/2012/12/sparing-rod.html" target="_blank">sexual humiliation</a> and terror to enforce the intertwined hierarchies of caste, class
and gender. That enforcement is typically abetted by the police, who are after
all there to maintain ‘order’ in every sense of the word. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify; text-indent: .5in;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;">The spectacle of the violent crowd –
engaged either in a pogrom against a ‘community’ or in the lynching of a stray
victim – should not surprise Indians. The rioting mob has been a part of public
affairs in independent India from the outset, acting out a rogue history that
resists historicizing and frustrates those whose preferred national narrative
is one of warring states. It might be argued that such mob action is the sign
of a ramshackle modernity in which the state is weak both ideologically and
structurally: it has no monopoly on either the legitimacy or the means of violence.
<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Every once in a while, the liberal
pretensions of the republic are exposed as irrelevant and alien, and the
citizenry reverts to its primal state.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify; text-indent: .5in;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;">That argument is not altogether without
merit; the ideological gulf between the crowd and the state in India can hardly
be denied, although it can be romanticized by those who see the subaltern crowd
as the repository of an alternative and superior civic virtue. It may, however,
be more accurate to say that the problem is not the gap between the crowd and
the state, but the overlap. Here, I want to draw attention to two other
histories of chronic mob violence: anti-black terror in the United States between
the Civil War and the Civil Rights Movement, and anti-Jewish terror in Germany
in the 1930s and ‘40s.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify; text-indent: .5in;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;">The American example is <a href="http://scroll.in/article/802969/as-bengaluru-mob-strips-tanzanian-woman-its-time-to-ask-why-bigotry-is-so-ingrained-in-indian-society" target="_blank">overtly noticeable</a> to those who were shocked by the attack on the Tanzanian woman,
because of the shared element of violence against those identified as ‘black.’ <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>That connection, however, is a red herring.
Anti-black racism is not a uniform or universal phenomenon; its roots and
rationales vary from one historical setting to another. American bigotry is
only tenuously related to Indian contempt for the dark-skinned. The more
interesting overlap has to do with the relationship between the crowd, the
state and the pariah. The epidemic of lynching which began in the American
South even before the Reconstruction had ended was not just about reestablishing
white supremacy and intimidating the generation of blacks who had grown up
after the Civil War. It was also about creating rituals that would demarcate
the boundaries and content of blackness – articulated as spatial segregation,
sexual containment, disenfranchisement and the condition of terror itself – at
a moment when slavery no longer supplied the parameters. Mob violence clarified
and policed the outcaste status of people who were otherwise entitled to the
permissions of freedom and citizenship. At the same time, it generated for
Southern whites a method of defiance, not only against the federal government
and the Republican Party but also against republican principles of American
identity, recovering from it the narrower ideology of white democracy that had
its roots in Andrew Jackson’s nation even more than the Confederacy. Lynching
thus became the basis of a local governance that was contextually at odds with
the national government: a rift in the state, in which the crowd established a
semi-legitimate Southern shadow-state. It could be tolerated by the national
state, not only because tolerance was politically expedient following the
rehabilitation of the Democratic Party, but because it was consistent with the
delinquent side of American praxis. Frontiers and colonial warfare came with
their own rituals of racial violence. Teddy Roosevelt, imperialist and
frontiersman, could thus both disdain and accept the lynch-mob politics of the
South.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify; text-indent: .5in;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;">In the German case, that distance
between the legitimate and illegitimate states was eventually closed. After
1933 but well before the Wannsee Conference, the mob and the state had become
interchangeable, in the sense that each spoke and acted in the name of the
other, and also provided cover for each other. Mob violence, as in
Kristallnacht, functioned as a surrogate for state violence. Once the Final
Solution began, the mob was fully absorbed by the state and lost its visibility
as an autonomous entity, i.e., as a mob. In each these aspects – the emergence
of the mob as a proxy of the state, and the redundancy of the mob – Germany
showcased an arrangement of power that is fascist in the first instance, and
fascist as well as totalitarian in the second. Lynching in the American South,
in contrast, was ‘merely’ a form of productive terror. Whereas the state-mob in
Germany produced the Jew and the Gypsy as vermin (or, as Agamben would have it,
as beings removed from the domain of legality and illegality), seeking
ultimately to dissolve the ghetto and empty the camp, Klan terror produced the
Negro as a subordinated minority, to be kept in its new designated place.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify; text-indent: .5in;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;">When a mob in Bangalore terrorizes an
African student, the American reference is actually the least applicable. There
is no question of reimagining black students in India as a ‘minority.’ Euro-American
racism has certainly leached into Indian speech and behavior (more in the diaspora
than in India itself, I would suggest), but this borrowing is so thinly rooted
in the history of that racism that it is highly superficial: an easily
available imitative gesture, like the monkey-gestures that were directed at the
black Australian cricketer Andrew Symonds in India some years ago. Indian
racism against people perceived as black, and Africans in particular, is real
and pervasive, but it is not an ideology in its own right. It is, rather, a
practice extemporized from cultural rubble: neighborhood and campus tensions, perceptions
of the relative wealth and power of different categories of foreigners, imported
discourses of savagery that are understood at the level of picture books. Affiliating
that racism with its American counterpart is like ascribing ‘anti-Semitism’ – a
European ideology with a European history bracketed by Jewish emancipation
after 1791 and annihilation before 1945 – to Arabs in the erstwhile Ottoman
lands and post-Algerian-War Europe. To paraphrase Hannah Arendt, anti-black
racism in India is not primarily about blacks, blackness, or aversion to dark
skin. It is about an illiberal community reacting to a perceived foreign presence
in its midst when foreignness is unprotected by a color – of skin or of
passport – associated with power. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify; text-indent: .5in;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;">It is also about the widening of an Indian
practice of normalcy and dominance, in which the status of women, minorities, outsiders
and pariahs is underlined by recognizable rituals of crowd violence. The
Tanzanian woman was treated like a Dalit, not because she was black, but because
that is how Indian crowds have long put people in their place and experienced
themselves as communities of power. Bangladeshis and Biharis (and at one time,
Gujaratis and ‘Madrasis’) in Mumbai, Manipuris and Nagas in Delhi, Sikhs in
1984, <a href="http://satadru-sen.blogspot.com/2012/11/the-view-from-rezang-la.html" target="_blank">the Chinese</a> in 1962, and Dalits, Muslims and women (of all classes and
communities, although not equally) at all times have been subjected to the
order of the mob. Well-developed discourses of otherness and inferiority exist
only in the last three instances, but it turns out that such discourses are not
necessary for that much-debated Indian phenomenon: ‘intolerance.' Racism towards Africans is readily acknowledged as an Indian problem even by people who bristle at the suggestion that there is widespread intolerance towards Muslims. The first makes India 'look bad' in the global press, and the acknowledgment of crimes against foreigners is a part of the damage-control. The second is intimate and existential. Like a crime within the family, it cannot be admitted even to yourself.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify; text-indent: .5in;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;">If something has gone wrong, it began
decades ago, when older patterns of exclusion and domination converged with new
civic identities, rendering public space particularly dangerous to anyone who
could be identified as a misfit or an upstart. What has happened relatively recently,
however, is a reinforcement of that public violence by the state, which is
increasingly prepared to utilize the mob as a surrogate. A distinction must be
made at this juncture. The reliance of Indian politicians and parties on mobs
(usually organized from cadres or hired lumpen) is of long standing, and every
party that has sniffed power has been guilty of it. But the mob-as-nation is a
specialty of the Hindu right, which can govern the state but also strategically locate itself outside the state, among the 'public.' Nationhood itself – with its compulsive quest
for an order of insiders and outsiders – has, accordingly, taken on the quality
of the mob. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify; text-indent: .5in;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Few would argue that the Indian government
systematically encourages attacks on Tanzanian women, or on blacks. (Besides, Karnataka
is governed by the Congress, not the BJP.) But it does not seem to be
especially disturbed by <a href="http://satadru-sen.blogspot.com/2013/01/black-man-brown-men.html" target="_blank">such attacks</a> either, because what happened in Bangalore
is not divergent from a particular understanding of nationhood, with its rituals
of belonging, demands for order, and assorted compulsions. In
this nation, the many will always take for granted the right to humiliate or
kill the few – it knows no other way of self-constitution, with the exception
of an anxious self-congratulation that highlights its investment in modernity. The day after the incident, Indian scientists announced
their development of a vaccine for the Zika virus (a proud moment for the
nation, naturally), underlining the Indian condition as a scientifically accomplished
lynch mob. As I observed earlier, it is not really about blacks. It is always about
Muslims, Dalits and women, in the sense that that is where the patterns and permissions of Indian mob violence originate.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;">February 5, 2016</span></div>
</div>
Satadru Senhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/01130077806377387996noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6906155419903605634.post-21208875146717398682016-01-18T21:28:00.000-05:002016-01-27T20:55:29.985-05:00The Death of a Jew<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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</xml><![endif]--><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;"><img class="irc_mi" height="244" src="https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/1/16/1971_Instrument_of_Surrender.jpg" style="margin-top: 75px;" width="325" /> </span></div>
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify; text-indent: .5in;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Following close upon the golden
jubilee celebrations of ‘victory’ in the 1965 war against Pakistan, with its
imbedded celebration of the Anglo-Indian hero <a href="http://satadru-sen.blogspot.com/2015/09/the-apotheosis-of-alfred-cooke.html" target="_blank">Alfred Cooke</a>, has come another
moment of remembrance in the history of the Indian state: the passing of
J.F.R. Jacob. Jacob was, more or less famously, the only ‘Jewish general’ in
the Indian Army and one of the architects of the Pakistani surrender in the
Bangladesh War. His visage graces the iconic photograph of the
surrender ceremony in Dhaka in 1971. (Jacob stands towards the right of the frame, above, with a young Air Force officer gripping his arm.) By his own admission, Jacob was not a religious man and may
not have been entirely comfortable with the tendency of his admirers – mainly
Indian and Israeli – to underline his Jewishness. Nevertheless, every obituary
has led with some version of ‘Jake the Jew.’ </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify; text-indent: .5in;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;">How extraordinary
this treatment is must be emphasized. When Sam Maneckshaw, the most celebrated soldier in Indian
history, died not long ago, few headline-writers in the mainstream press thought
to describe him as ‘the Parsi general,’ and no eulogist gloated about the fact
that a Zoroastrian had led the Indian Army. Likewise, when Air Chief Marshall Idris
Latif, the only Muslim to head an Indian military service, passes away, his
religion will be mentioned politely in the small print, as is only right. Denis La Fontaine will not be 'India's Christian air chief'; Christians are too prosaic. Clearly,
being a ‘minority,’ in and of itself, is not all that noteworthy. When it is
noteworthy, it is unevenly so: <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Alfred
Cooke was embraced <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">in spite of</i> his
Anglo-Indian ancestry (and even then, nobody mentioned his religion), but Jacob was celebrated <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">because</i> he was an Indian Jew. Coming at a time when minorities are
not especially popular in India, this invites us to think about the conditions
under which a national majority becomes generous towards the impurities it
contains.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify; text-indent: .5in;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;">The concept of a ‘minority’ is
something of a novelty. It became meaningful only in the nineteenth century, as
a corollary of the new institutions of popular sovereignty and the democratic
nation-state. In India, the term was most firmly associated with Muslims,
beginning with colonial historiography, proceeding through Aligarh’s
foundational debates and the nationalist polemics of the 1880s and 1890s, and
becoming concretized in the Minto-Morley reforms of 1909. Partition reinforced
the concrete, but also added a new complication by making policy (management) rather
than politics (accommodation) the normative idiom of relations between the
majority and the minorities. Throughout this trajectory, the concept secreted
layers of negative connotations: not only was it a calamity to be a minority,
it was a misfortune to <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">have </i>minorities.
In much of this, the Indian experience was consistent with trends in political
demography elsewhere in the world that emerged from the Great War.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify; text-indent: .5in;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Yet models exist in that world for
‘good minorities’ and even happy minorities. The best known such model is,
conveniently, known in America as the ‘model minority.’ That term has been used
since the 1970s to refer explicitly to ‘Asian immigrants,’ who do well at
school, do not trouble the police, and appear to affirm the ‘American’ values
of hard work, self-reliance (not relying upon government assistance), single-minded
acquisitiveness and ‘family,’ at a time (the aftermath of the Counterculture
and the Civil Rights Movement) when ‘Americans’ themselves had evidently wavered
in their faith in those things. The deconstruction of the model minority,
coming in the first instance from Asian American scholars like Ronald Takaki,
has been very thorough. Its critics have noted that while the notion
compensated somewhat for the virulence of the Asian Exclusion Acts, the lynch
mobs in the Pacific Northwest, the wartime internment of people of Japanese ancestry,
and seventy years of murder and dehumanization of ‘gooks’ and ‘slopes’ (who can
breathe easier now that attention has turned to ‘ragheads’ and ‘Art Malik’), it
has been more pernicious than generous. It has highlighted the success of some
Asians (mainly Japanese, Chinese, Koreans and Indians from middle-class backgrounds),
blacked out the less advantaged and successful, and trapped <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">all </i>Asian Americans within the exotic
category of ‘immigrant,’ to be contrasted with real Americans, whose realness
is reified by their imperiled virtues. The model minority is a handy stick
with which to beat other minorities (including Asians, but always and primarily
blacks, Hispanics and Native Americans) for their apparent fecklessness. Beyond
that, it has imposed on all minorities – the successful and the feckless – a
constricting model of citizenship that emphasizes docility: not challenging the
prerogatives of the majority, not questioning the meanings of success, not
taking over the ‘good schools’ and ‘excellent neighborhoods,’ not making waves.
The model minority is, in the final analysis, a model of apolitical citizenship
as the subjectivity of a ‘good’ minority, which allows the majority to bury its
history and politics of racism.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify; text-indent: .5in;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;">The notion of a ‘good minority’ is
not alien to India, where linguistic minorities have been a fact of political life
since the 1920s. In the Presidency capitals, an expanded political pie and massive
in-migration made it necessary for regional politicians to work out a language
that could accommodate – or isolate – the misfits. But who was a good minority
at the national level? For a long time, the answer was obvious: the model
minority in India were the Sikhs. Not only did they fit easily into the
anti-Muslim thrust of nationalist historiography, they were endowed with qualities
that Hindus were often unsure they possessed: Sikhs were industrious, ‘martial’
and hyper-patriotic. It was a nationalist redemption of the colonial trope of
the simple, loyal peasant-soldier. Sikhs themselves seemed to embrace their
role as semi-detached Hindus, and happily referred to themselves as the ‘sword
arm of the nation.’</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify; text-indent: .5in;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;">The fragility of this model of
minority citizenship became inescapable in the 1980s, with the onset of Sikh
terrorism, the Delhi pogrom, and the years of profiling and ‘encounter’
killings. When Shabeg Singh, another icon of the 1971 war, used his military
expertise <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">against</i> the Indian Army in
Operation Blue Star, the hero became the traitor in shockingly literal terms.
The wounds healed with Manmohan Singh’s stint as prime minister, but not
completely. The romance was gone, and the good minority is nothing if not a
romantic concept: a specter of the majority’s love affair with its own national
mythology.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify; text-indent: .5in;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;">What went wrong with the Sikhs? It
was not simply the demands for autonomy or secession. It was the revelation of
a reluctance to accept the status of quasi-Hindus, which fully-credentialed
Hindus could neither understand nor forgive. (Nothing is as embarrassing as
interrupted self-love.) Just as pertinently, Sikhs asserting their separateness
– whether from Hindus or from India – were able to mobilize politically. Even a
two-percent minority can do that when two percent is more than fifteen million
people, concentrated geographically and already equipped with political
organizations and useful histories. The otherwise useful Sikhs, therefore,
failed that crucial test of a lovable minority: docility.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify; text-indent: .5in;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;">If we return to the photograph of the
Pakistani surrender in 1971, in which the romance of Indian cosmopolitanism is fully
on display, we see immediately that Sikhs are well represented, notably by
General Arora, the senior Indian commander in the eastern theater. They are
not, however, performing as a minority. Being politically alive and viable,
Sikhs are not exotic. They are not in the frame as curiosities. General Jacob
is. Some three decades ago, a relative of mine – a retired group captain in the
Indian Air Force – told me that Jacob’s presence at the ceremony was intended
to compound the Pakistani humiliation by forcing them to surrender to a Jew. It
is difficult to imagine Indira Gandhi and Jagjivan Ram plotting such a detail,
but it is significant that it was the perception of Indian officers with some
awareness of world politics. Jacob in 1971 was already a symbolic Jew.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify; text-indent: .5in;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;">He was also the most perfect kind of minority:
a man with a race but without a racial community. The number of Jews in India
is so small (barely five thousand) that mobilizing as a community – coming together
with an agenda and a means of applying pressure – would seem to be out of the
question. Indian Jews can, at most, express their dismay when some fool in
Ahmedabad opens a boutique called <a href="http://satadru-sen.blogspot.com/2012/09/hitler-in-india.html" target="_blank">‘Hitler</a>.’ They are, in that sense, a docile
minority, and can be placed on the shelf of the nation's trophies. The same can be
said for Parsis. They too are a model minority, running gracefully out of
bodies and vultures. The Tatas have put to rest the old Parsi reputation of being ‘bum-lickers
of the English’: a stigma that Anglo-Indians could not fully escape. In Bapsi
Sidhwa’s novel <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Cracking India</i>, a
Parsi woman in newly independent Pakistan explains to her child that they
are, and must remain, like sugar in a cup of tea: sweetening and invisible. But
the Parsi predicament is also different from that of Indian Jews. Jews are more
useful. Being Parsi has no global significance. Jewishess does, and that meaning
dovetails with specific Indian agendas, historical and contemporary.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify; text-indent: .5in;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;">The post-1945 Zionist tendency to
deploy an exceptional and existential victimhood – ‘everybody hates us, so
everything is justified’ – has made it possible for Indian nationalist
discourse to claim an exception of its own. In India, the narrative goes, Jews
were never persecuted. This may very well be true, give or take the Inquisition in Goa. But the assertion has not only allowed the spokesmen of the Indian
majority to proclaim their own ‘tolerance’ and inherent cosmopolitanism (which,
it turns out, is compatible with fascist imaginings of nationhood), it has also
aligned them with a strand within contemporary Zionism, which is its anti-Muslim
animus. This promises to take Hindutva politics out of the backwater, connecting it to another national narrative and a global concern (articulated in terms of ‘terror,’<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>‘security' and 'Islam'). It also cements the
relationship between India and Israel at a time when both states have reached a
majoritarian nadir. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify; text-indent: .5in;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;">It may be, of course, that eulogists casually invoking 'Jake the Jew' are merely drawing attention to a harmless bit of trivia, without political 'intentions' or 'agendas.' When they do that, however, they reduce race and the racialized individual to trivia: the harmless fluff that is the essence of a model minority. The harmlessless is tied up with utility and the comfort of the majority; for that reason, it is political. The celebration of General Jacob’s
Jewishness then feeds (and feeds upon) majoritarian self-congratulation and tokenism, and simultaneously
sharpens the distinction between good and bad minorities in India. The more or
less solitary Jew, identified with national victory and
globally aligned with power and civilization, is good. The Muslim, with his
numbers and birthrate and place in history, is not. He is the trouble the Jew
does not give the nation. He is<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"> unser Unglück</i>.
Sikhs have proved to be manageable; they can be either pogrom victims or prime
ministers. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify; text-indent: .5in;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Jacob was not an innocent observer in
the politics of his identity. He may have been ambivalent about his faith, but
he took racial identity seriously enough to work hard for closer ties between the Indian and Israeli states. That effort, while understandable,
highlights an important dynamic of being a model minority. It shows where, and
with whom, one chooses to stand, and how one is willing to be used. When a
minority lacks the demographic means of political self-assertion, there still
remains the option of self-assertion on behalf of other minorities, within the
larger community with which it identifies. Jacob liked to say he was ‘Indian
through and through.’ I would like to think that that means standing in
solidarity with those Indians who are excluded from ‘model’ status. Such solidarity,
however, might mean that when you die, you would not be a national icon, but
merely a troublemaker.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;">January 18, 2016</span></div>
</div>
Satadru Senhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/01130077806377387996noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6906155419903605634.post-9551803284885555032015-12-04T13:32:00.001-05:002016-02-02T09:16:06.573-05:00Life in the Jungle<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Number 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="10" QFormat="true" Name="Title"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Closing"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Signature"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="1" SemiHidden="true"
UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Default Paragraph Font"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text Indent"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Continue"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Continue 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Continue 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Continue 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Continue 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Message Header"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="11" QFormat="true" Name="Subtitle"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Salutation"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Date"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text First Indent"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text First Indent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Note Heading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text Indent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text Indent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Block Text"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Hyperlink"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="FollowedHyperlink"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="22" QFormat="true" Name="Strong"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="20" QFormat="true" Name="Emphasis"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Document Map"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Plain Text"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="E-mail Signature"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Top of Form"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Bottom of Form"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Normal (Web)"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Acronym"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Address"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Cite"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Code"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Definition"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Keyboard"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Preformatted"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Sample"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Typewriter"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Variable"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Normal Table"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="annotation subject"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="No List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Outline List 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Outline List 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Outline List 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Simple 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Simple 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Simple 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Classic 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Classic 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Classic 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Classic 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Colorful 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Colorful 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Colorful 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Columns 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Columns 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Columns 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Columns 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Columns 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 7"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 8"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 7"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 8"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table 3D effects 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table 3D effects 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table 3D effects 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Contemporary"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Elegant"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Professional"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Subtle 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Subtle 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Web 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Web 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Web 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Balloon Text"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="Table Grid"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Theme"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" Name="Placeholder Text"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="1" QFormat="true" Name="No Spacing"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" Name="Revision"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="34" QFormat="true"
Name="List Paragraph"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="29" QFormat="true" Name="Quote"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="30" QFormat="true"
Name="Intense Quote"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="19" QFormat="true"
Name="Subtle Emphasis"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="21" QFormat="true"
Name="Intense Emphasis"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="31" QFormat="true"
Name="Subtle Reference"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="32" QFormat="true"
Name="Intense Reference"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="33" QFormat="true" Name="Book Title"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="37" SemiHidden="true"
UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Bibliography"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" SemiHidden="true"
UnhideWhenUsed="true" QFormat="true" Name="TOC Heading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="41" Name="Plain Table 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="42" Name="Plain Table 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="43" Name="Plain Table 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="44" Name="Plain Table 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="45" Name="Plain Table 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="40" Name="Grid Table Light"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46" Name="Grid Table 1 Light"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51" Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52" Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46" Name="List Table 1 Light"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="List Table 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="List Table 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="List Table 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="List Table 5 Dark"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51" Name="List Table 6 Colorful"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52" Name="List Table 7 Colorful"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="List Table 1 Light Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="List Table 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="List Table 3 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="List Table 4 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="List Table 5 Dark Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="List Table 6 Colorful Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="List Table 7 Colorful Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="List Table 1 Light Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="List Table 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="List Table 3 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="List Table 4 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="List Table 5 Dark Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="List Table 6 Colorful Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="List Table 7 Colorful Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="List Table 1 Light Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="List Table 2 Accent 3"/>
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<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">An old friend died recently on the
other side of the planet. It was both
predictable and shocking, as these things often are. He was a long-term abuser
of powders and pills; I had not expected him to live as long as he did.
Still, we had been children together, neighbors, brothers almost, at that
crucial period in modern male friendship: early adolescence. So I was shaken when I got the call from another friend and ex-neighbor. It was as if a few bricks fell away from the walls of my house, but it wasn't a house I live in anymore.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Over the next few days, the grapevines of social media (through which old acquaintances had tried to reimagine
themselves as old friends) yielded slippery details and problems. He had
died in his sleep in a hotel in Paharganj, the seedy Delhi neighborhood
frequented by white tourists in dirty pyjamas. A bottle of sleeping pills was
found in his bag. His mother
was with him. They had been traveling together from Moscow to Durgapur, the industrial city
where we had lived as children; she had spent the night in the same bed unaware
that he was dead. She had dementia and a tendency to wander off. There was
a brother in Canada; he was on his way but, we were informed, reluctant to take his
mother back with him. The mutual friend and I
tried to find an old-age home in our old hometown where she could be safely
abandoned, among people who might visit her once or twice.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">I also tried to remember the dead man, or boy. I dreamed of him several nights in a row even though </span></span></span>we had not spoken in nearly thirty years. This
lag was not due to a quarrel, but because we had drifted so far apart that
nothing was mutually comprehensible or relevant. So it was
startling to find photographs of a big-eared twelve-year-old slouching in
his room circa 1982. It regenerated a face, which allowed other images and
sounds to creep back: the grinning face in my window on weekend mornings, the
stuttering shout of my name, his presence in my house on the day of the year when
sisters give their brothers a protective fingerprint (having no sister of his
own, he would borrow mine), the telephone ringing just when my mother was taking
her cherished siesta on her day off from teaching.</span><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span>I remembered endless hours of batting
practice, and the sight of him airborne before his delivery stride, head
cocked, arm and wrist coiled, lanky. He revered Michael Holding.</span><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></span>I remembered a
small crime we had conspired to commit (inspired by James Hadley Chase) and the unraveling of the conspiracy,
the embarrassed-indulgent rage of parents. I was able to recall an even older image, from before we became friends: a boy of five or six throwing a tearful tantrum on the bus because he didn't want to go to school. It’s not that I had never thought of
these things in three decades. But it had been knowledge rather than remembrance,
cut off from life.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">It was, among other things,
knowledge of waste and luck, which is why it had been
pushed to the margins of memory. One more boy wasted by a system of education,
examinations and professional bottlenecks that gave no quarter to those who
could not, or did not want to, stay in the fast lane, which was also the only
lane. Healthy competition, the schools called it, as if there was something
laudable about brutal hours of cramming and 'private tuition,' fetishizing
‘coming first’ in examinations, being ‘ranked’ in your class beginning when you
were five years old, the smugness and alarm of parents who shared the hierarchy
of their children, and the fear of falling out of the middle class altogether.
The perversity of that education was inseparable from our teachers' proclivity for creative physical violence. I don't look back at my
Indian schooling with any pleasure or nostalgia; the memory of those grey walls
is enough to fill my stomach with a dull anxiety. I lived with the nausea –
the longing to be anywhere else instead – for nearly ten years. (The feeling
came back to me when I began dropping my daughter off at school,
and I had to force myself to see that her school was not what mine had been.) My
dead friend, who had been an intelligent boy with eclectic interests and bookshelves, was also an average student in a system that chewed up
such children. I got out just in time; he did not and became a ‘failure.’ When
I met him again at the age of nineteen, he was injecting heroin into his
scrotum and stealing cough syrup. He had nothing to say that was not recycled tripe.
He was not the only one. There but for the grace of God went I.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">The Jesuit jailhouse of our childhood dissolved into the city itself, turning it grey: grey school-buses, grey shorts, grey
mornings, dirty white sky. As with the school, I can’t go back there without a
sense of dread. I know this contradicts the conventions of NRI nostalgia. (But
then, bin Ich nicht ein bloede NRI.) We are supposed to look back with
affection and pride, and there is undeniably something romantic about Durgapur
and other ‘steel towns’ that came up in India in the 1950s. This was the
frontier of Nehru and Bidhan Roy: instant cities in the wilderness that had secreted legendary bandits like Bhabani Pathak and Ichhai Ghosh, marked by receding forests, smoke-stacks, geometric housing developments, no extremes of wealth and poverty, no crime to
speak of (polite scientists and their well-bred wives had replaced the bandits),
no filth on the streets (but nasty chemicals in the air and the
river), sheltered and sheltering, a modern Indian Eden where everybody knew
their neighbors and spoke three languages, and nobody talked about
religion or caste. In the evening, the horizon would turn an attractive orange as the blast furnaces roared and released their slag.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">As a new city where even the old
residents were first-generation migrants from elsewhere, Durgapur was a
place constituted by arrivals and departures. Men and women came, recognizing
their roles as pioneers, but expecting to leave at the end of their working lives.
Parts of the town retained that touch of the makeshift: Steel Market, where we
bought Tintins and textbooks, cricket balls and orange squash, was a double row
of Quonset huts </span><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">–</span> corrugated-iron barracks </span><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">–</span> on a dirt road. For children, home was
always encroached upon by departure, because the same schools that consumed
their lives in the city would spit them out of the city, towards ‘real’
cities where there were colleges, careers and airports. (Durgapur had only a
railway station.) To remain in this place was a sign of failure. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Into this place that was also no
place at all, at some point in the mid-1960s, my friend’s mother had come, a
Russian scientist who had married an Indian engineer given to spells of
withdrawal and melancholy, and what was probably schizophrenia. The
few friends she made in Durgapur included my mother. <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Birokto korbena</i> (“Don’t bother me”), she
told my mother, was her husband’s frequent response to her desire
for his company. She had hung on for a long time. As a foreigner, she was even
more afflicted by the limbo between arrival and eventual departure; the
sense of isolation must have been acute. I remember her – and her husband – as
being simultaneously present and absent, inseparable from the failure that
swallowed my friend. In attractively
modern company housing, husbands turned cold and wives seethed with rage at being stranded in the jungle with their various disappointments, while children lingered on the cricket field after dark or wandered the
streets in the burning heat of May afternoons because it was better than
going home. </span><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Anyone could turn feral. </span><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">The town wasted the Russian woman just as it wasted her son, and there’s a morbid irony in the
likelihood that she will live out her final years there, in this wilderness of unreliable memory. There but for the grace of God; but quite a
few of us did go there.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">I had left. I escaped miraculously,
due to the mad initiative of parents who recognized the importance of getting
out, even though their own education and aspiration had been focused on
reaching places like Durgapur. Leaving destroyed them professionally, socially
and personally, turning them into slightly shocking shadows of their confident and
accomplished selves; immigration is not for the middle-aged. But it got the kids off the conveyor belt to nowhere. My
friend who died understood that. He once sent me an email in which the only
coherent thing was his resentment that I had flown the coop while I was still
alive. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">So perhaps it’s understandable that I
associate the place with death: arrivals culminating in necessary departures. I
first arrived in Durgapur when my parents stepped off the Coal Field Express
on to the platform, my father carrying me in a bassinet. Quite by coincidence,
I last saw my father at the same railway station, when he put me on a train
bound for Indore. It may very well have been the same platform. The Coal Field passed through before my train
pulled in and we said goodbye. Four months later he was dead, alone. I used to take the Coal Field sometimes when I
accompanied my father on his trips to Calcutta. Fish and chips in the dining
car, the thrill of the big city and what must be the real world. Lunch at
Kwality or cake at Flury’s to bribe me into visiting relatives. Temporary getaways.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">A lot of this is the neurosis of the
emigrant, of course. For most of my friends from Durgapur, the place is mundane. Some have laid to rest the ghosts of engineers’ colonies and borrowed
time, bought homes and started businesses, made it a hometown like any other. There is
even an airport now, although not many flights. But on the two or three
occasions that I’ve gone back, I’ve been haunted both by the fact that the
place has changed, and by the suspicion that it hasn’t. Is it even sadder now,
or was it always sad? Were the roads always narrow and the buildings a little
drab? Had the open spaces that I remembered vanished, or never been there at
all? <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">And I went back to Ohio / But my
city was gone.</i> But the school is still there, with the grimy boys in grey
shorts, living in homes that shade into the jungle, studying feverishly to get out. When I had tried to explain to my
friend, during our failed attempt to reconnect by email, that I found Durgapur
depressing, he had again become enraged: he claimed the place,
and I was the condescending NRI. He was too wasted for me to convey that ‘going
to Durgapur’ was like visiting my own grave, charged with the fear of discovering things best forgotten, like dead boys and the holes we come from.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">December 4, 2015 </span></div>
</div>
Satadru Senhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/01130077806377387996noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6906155419903605634.post-57252037519556128952015-10-17T11:51:00.002-04:002015-10-17T23:41:42.291-04:00Meat and Murder<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Continue 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Continue 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Continue 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Continue 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Message Header"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="11" QFormat="true" Name="Subtitle"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Salutation"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Date"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text First Indent"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text First Indent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Note Heading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text Indent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text Indent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Block Text"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Hyperlink"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="FollowedHyperlink"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="22" QFormat="true" Name="Strong"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="20" QFormat="true" Name="Emphasis"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Document Map"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Plain Text"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="E-mail Signature"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Top of Form"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Bottom of Form"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Normal (Web)"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Acronym"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Address"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Cite"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Code"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Definition"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Keyboard"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Preformatted"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Sample"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Typewriter"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Variable"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Normal Table"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="annotation subject"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="No List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Outline List 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Outline List 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Outline List 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Simple 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Simple 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Simple 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Classic 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Classic 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Classic 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Classic 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Colorful 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Colorful 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Colorful 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Columns 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Columns 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Columns 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Columns 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Columns 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 7"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 8"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 7"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 8"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table 3D effects 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table 3D effects 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table 3D effects 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Contemporary"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Elegant"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Professional"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Subtle 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Subtle 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Web 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Web 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Web 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Balloon Text"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="Table Grid"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Theme"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" Name="Placeholder Text"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="1" QFormat="true" Name="No Spacing"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" Name="Revision"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="34" QFormat="true"
Name="List Paragraph"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="29" QFormat="true" Name="Quote"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="30" QFormat="true"
Name="Intense Quote"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="19" QFormat="true"
Name="Subtle Emphasis"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="21" QFormat="true"
Name="Intense Emphasis"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="31" QFormat="true"
Name="Subtle Reference"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="32" QFormat="true"
Name="Intense Reference"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="33" QFormat="true" Name="Book Title"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="37" SemiHidden="true"
UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Bibliography"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" SemiHidden="true"
UnhideWhenUsed="true" QFormat="true" Name="TOC Heading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="41" Name="Plain Table 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="42" Name="Plain Table 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="43" Name="Plain Table 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="44" Name="Plain Table 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="45" Name="Plain Table 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="40" Name="Grid Table Light"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46" Name="Grid Table 1 Light"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51" Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52" Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46" Name="List Table 1 Light"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="List Table 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="List Table 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="List Table 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="List Table 5 Dark"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51" Name="List Table 6 Colorful"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52" Name="List Table 7 Colorful"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="List Table 1 Light Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="List Table 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="List Table 3 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="List Table 4 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="List Table 5 Dark Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="List Table 6 Colorful Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="List Table 7 Colorful Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="List Table 1 Light Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="List Table 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="List Table 3 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="List Table 4 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="List Table 5 Dark Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="List Table 6 Colorful Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="List Table 7 Colorful Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="List Table 1 Light Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="List Table 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="List Table 3 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="List Table 4 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="List Table 5 Dark Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="List Table 6 Colorful Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="List Table 7 Colorful Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="List Table 1 Light Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="List Table 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="List Table 3 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="List Table 4 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="List Table 5 Dark Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
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<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
Some days ago,
in a nondescript village named Dadri in the Indian state of Uttar Pradesh, a
mob dragged a blacksmith named Mohammed Akhlaq out of his home and bludgeoned
him to death. They also beat his son, leaving him with severe head injuries and
possibly brain damage. The “provocation” was a rumor that a cow had been killed
in the village for its meat, and the Akhlaqs – one of only two Muslim families
in Dadri – has some meat in their freezer. The mob included multiple BJP
men and their relatives. Some have been arrested, although trial and
conviction are another matter; various high-ups in the party are already clamoring
for their release. The meat in the freezer was sent off to a lab to determine
if it was in fact beef; the lab has gone mysteriously silent about its
findings. Because the incident was both shocking and commonplace (<a href="http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/asia/indian-village-mob-beats-muslim-man-to-death-for-smuggling-cows-a6697696.html" target="_blank">another lynching</a> has already occurred), it is far
from over.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
The commonplace
character of what happened in Dadri should be readily apparent to those familiar with the
politics of lynching in modern India. It has all the usual ingredients: not
just religious identity, but caste, class, gender, and the complicity of the
state. It’s a Thakur village, the locals sullenly told journalists,
as if that explained the murder, and indeed, it provides a part of the
explanation. Lynching, along with rape, is an established mechanism of the
maintenance of upper-caste dominance in the rural north. It was in a Thakur
village, Behmai, that Phoolan Devi was famously gang-raped and paraded naked.
In Dadri, as in Behmai, it was a male crowd; such violence is a normative
performance of masculine dominance and a reminder that public space in northern
India is pathologically homosocial. The perpetrators seem to have come from the
demographic that straddles the village and the city in a country that is
economically liberalized but ideologically illiberal: cell-phone-toting goons,
not poor but viscerally hostile both to the cosmopolitan elite and to the marginal. Typically, the police come from the
same classes and show the same inclinations. Days after the killing of Mohammed
Akhlaq, a video emerged of a <a href="http://www.ibtimes.co.in/uttar-pradesh-police-strip-dalit-couple-greater-noida-who-insisted-filing-fir-robbery-649767" target="_blank">Dalit family in Dankaur</a> (on the outskirts of Delhi),
naked before a milling crowd of cops and onlookers. The family had wanted to report a theft; the police had refused to file a report. Dalit activists claimed the
family was stripped and beaten by the police for complaining too much;
the police insisted the family had stripped in a voluntary <a href="http://www.hindustantimes.com/noida/police-behaved-inhumanly-with-dalit-family-says-sc-st-panel/story-FT4K2QdCQmy9z3l7ofe2DP.html" target="_blank">act of protest</a>. The
Dadri and Dankaur incidents are "old" phenomena, rooted in patterns of dominance
and vulnerability, uppity-ness and punishment, that have marked the informal exercise of power in India for decades.These things happen, as Jyoti Basu once said.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
Pointing out that “oldness”
has, in fact, been the response of the government and its defenders, confronted
with the backlash from liberal intellectuals. Most prominently, forty-odd writers, Sahitya
Akademi prize-winners, have returned their awards in protest against the
Akademi’s silence in the face of violence and repression,
leading the BJP Minister of Culture Mahesh Sharma – whose views on culture are disturbingly
reminiscent of Joseph Goebbels – to retort that the protesters expressed no
comparable outrage when “these things” happened in the past. Sharma and
his ilk have a point, in the sense that Indian liberals have generally treated egregious violations of the rights of minorities as an aberration, albeit a chronic problem, within a nationhood they embraced.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
But what the
defenders of the regime refuse to acknowledge is that the current situation is
also substantially new. The lynching of Akhlaq is one piece of a larger
crisis of Indian nationhood, marked by, among other things, the BJP’s energetic
efforts to police meat-eating, the murder of the “rationalist” writer M.M.
Kalburgi, the banning of Pakistani musicians from Mumbai, the <a href="http://www.theweek.in/news/india/muslims-christians-barred-from-garba-celebrations-in-gujarat.html" target="_blank">exclusion of Muslims and Christians</a> from Garba celebrations in Gujarat, and
a pattern of silence and vitriol from the government in which the prime
minister maintains an icy silence while his underlings and affiliates spew hate (and eventually claim they were misquoted). Indeed, it was
Kalburgi’s murder, not Akhlaq’s, that precipitated the current protests; the death
of a liberal Hindu and Sahitya Akademi member has miraculously enfolded the death of a Muslim
villager. Similarly, the Shiv Sena’s assault on the
journalist <a href="http://www.ndtv.com/india-news/sudheendra-kulkarni-like-kasab-says-shiv-sena-after-black-paint-attack-1231472" target="_blank">Sudheendra Kulkarni</a> – a former BJP man who had refused to back down
from promoting a book by a former Pakistani minister – has enfolded and highlighted the
relentless drip-drip of hate-crimes against Muslims.
Now that Hindutva has reached the stage of devouring its own, its other depredations touch the lives of those who never had occasion to doubt their place in the nation. That package of problems is
more or less unprecedented in India, although not in Bangladesh or even
Pakistan. And it is that proximity – the realization that India, with its
smugness about democratic traditions and constitutional liberties, is now unmistakably
<a href="http://www.indiaresists.com/tum-bilkul-hum-jaise-nikle-a-pakistani-poets-message-to-india/" target="_blank">like Bangladesh or Pakistan</a> – that is at the heart of the outrage. The <i>yeh daag daag ujaala</i> moment, which came early to Pakistan, is finally, undeniably, India's moment also.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
What appears to
be a quixotic and hypocritical protest, targeting a literary
association for the failings of the state, is thus increasingly coherent and meaningful. It is
not really aimed at the Sahitya Akademi or even its feckless leadership. Everybody
– including the government – understands that it is aimed at the state. This is
why the police have already begun visiting the protesting writers, asking questions
about conspiracies that might have a bearing on “security,” and <a href="http://scroll.in/article/759920/law-wont-protect-sinners-like-you-scroll-in-reporter-covering-beef-protest-detained-for-seven-hours" target="_blank">harassing journalists</a> who publicize the politics of beef. It is not limited
to the state either. Rather, it recognizes that the state is functioning in a mutually sustaining but deniable and <a href="http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/mumbai/BJP-and-Shiv-Sena-talk-truce-government-prepares-for-first-anniversary/articleshow/49390678.cms" target="_blank">sometimes conflicted</a> partnership with an assortment of reactionary forces, including a section
of civil society. It is, in that sense, an unprecedented rebellion against a
dispensation that is diffused through Indian society, and the discovery of a “voice”
that had been all but lost after the BJP’s victory in the last general
election.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
The protests are
unprecedented because the dispensation itself has no apparent precedent. Indian
nationalism has had a powerful reformist element from the outset. From Ram
Mohun Roy through Vidyasagar and Vivekananda to Rabindranath, Gandhi, Nehru and
Ambedkar, to be Indian was to see moral reevaluation and social reform – sometimes articulated along
the lines of the Enlightenment and sometimes in more innovative idioms, but
always in terms of an incomplete structure of social justice – as desirable.
<span style="background-color: white;">This provided a way of answering the most basic questions of anti-colonial
nationalism in a newly imagined polity – “Who is Indian?” and “What is independence
for?” – in ways that were not narrowly ethnic or self-defeating, and it underlay Indian secularism and cosmopolitanism.</span> It was a
minority position, and few “reformists” actually married widows,
forgot their caste, or told their daughters that careers mattered more than marrying "a suitable boy." Nevertheless, the premise that nationhood must be
transformational outlasted the colonial specter that had long made reformism
suspect. It informed the ability of Calcutta-born Bengali-speakers to feel at home in Kerala, Rajasthan and Delhi, the writing of the Indian Constitution, the phenomenon of
Nehruvian optimism, and respectable public discourse well beyond Nehru. It may
have been inconsistent and internally conflicted, but it was real, the outcome of generations of political and intellectual labor.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
The major premises
of the new dispensation, on the other hand, deny that reform and social justice
are existential concerns of nationhood. One is the Savarkarite formulation that
Indianness is ethnic even when it is transregional: when Hindu identity is complete, so
is Indianness. Another is the older idea that reformism is “western” and
antithetical to a stable national essence. The third, which particularly suffuses
the BJP’s urban, NRI and middle-class supporters, is that they are already
reformed and introspection and change are both unnecessary and
offensive. The rhetoric of people like Mahesh Sharma and Narendra Modi encapsulates
all three premises. Taken together, they amount to a violently exclusionary and
majoritarian posture of citizenship.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
The triumph of
that posture cannot be blamed entirely on the Modi government. It has been
nearly thirty years since India did away with <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">jus soli</i>, which automatically conferred citizenship upon those born
on Indian soil. The new doctrine of inherited citizenship and naturalization at
the discretion of the state brought India in line with Margaret Thatcher’s
Britain (which also discarded birthright citizenship) and other European
countries with strong ethnic anxieties, seeking to keep the <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">pitribhumi </i>safe from Bangladeshi
migrants, Pakistani infiltrators and overstaying hippies. (Pakistan, it is
worth noting, still has <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">jus soli</i>, as
a residue of its foundational ideology and English common law.) The Indian intelligentsia accepted it,
barely noticing either the amendment of the law or its ideological
implications. In doing so, it displayed the timid, shallow, backsliding liberalism
of a class that not only lacked confidence, but felt guilty about its place in
the national vanguard.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Because it
remained unconvinced by what it might say in protest, the right to free expression
remained compromised and muted for all but those who had recourse to the brute
force of majorities and mobs. I am reminded of another writerly spat: Sunil
Gangopadhyay refusing to defend Taslima Nasreen, saying “We are not ready for
that kind of freedom of speech.” By that fearful logic, “we” are ready for
neither independence nor universal suffrage. It is precisely this complicity in
repression that set the stage for the predicament of the present time, when
membership in the national community is literally a matter of flesh and blood.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
In this citizenship
of pure and impure DNA, what you eat is intertwined with where you
belong, and anything can happen to the impure of mouth and mind. The Chief Minister of Haryana can resort to <a href="http://www.ndtv.com/india-news/muslims-can-stay-but-must-give-up-beef-says-haryana-chief-minister-ml-khattar-1232818" target="_blank">dietary intimidation</a>, blacksmiths and
intellectuals can be murdered, Northeastern women can be sexually victimized in
the national capital because they are whores anyway, and Muslim journalists who
criticize the dispensation can be abused in the filthiest terms on online
forums. Naseeruddin Shah, the most acclaimed actor India has produced, can find himself <a href="https://in.news.yahoo.com/talking-pak-doesnt-anti-india-000000936.html" target="_blank">under attack</a> for
the mildest praise of Pakistan, and must respond that he is a patriot who has
never been aware of being Muslim. Shah's response
is a nicety of secular-Indian speech, but it is nevertheless
true that there <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">were </i>contexts in
which Indians could forget their “communities.” Now those contexts have shrunk
dramatically not just for “minorities” and the “sickular,” but also for insufficiently
pure insiders, as L.K. Advani discovered a few years ago when he was nearly
drummed out of the BJP for praising Jinnah, and a blackened
Kulkarni (Advani’s erstwhile adviser) discovered last week. But this collapsing
of the lines between the safe majority and unsafe minorities has made it
possible to connect the dots between dead blacksmiths and dead rationalists, naked
Dalit women charged with public indecency and middle-class girls assaulted by the
Shri Ram Sene for going to a nightclub, embattled thespians of "a certain community" and the embattled
liberal arts, the silence of writers and artists
clinging to their awards and the silence of the prime minister. </div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
The web of lines
connecting the dots holds up the little rebellion of artists and intellectuals.
Indians who greeted the election results of 2014 with a phlegmatic refusal to
catastrophize, choosing to give the pragmatists and moderates in the dispensation
the benefit of the doubt, are less sanguine now; indeed, few would have
foreseen how bad things would get, and how quickly. “We” are now one step away
from a situation in which boycott, divestment and international isolation would
be not only justified but an ethical imperative. It might be said, borrowing a
phrase from Zionist discourse, that such a move would “delegitimize” India. But by
falling back on an ethnic-majoritarian raison d’etre, the Indian nation-state has come
very close to delegitimizing itself. It is only fitting that this week, the
Indian president was in Tel Aviv, telling his hosts that India and Israel are
<a href="http://www.facenfacts.com/NewsDetails/61542/india-and-israel-are-separated-by-two-seas-but-joined-by-their-common-belief:-prez-pranab-to-knesset.htm" target="_blank">separated twins</a>, united by their love of democracy and diversity. And by increasingly valid questions about
legitimacy, he might have added.<br />
<br />
For “patriots,” a conventional measure
of the legitimacy of the nation is the question, “Would you fight for it?” That
is no longer a simple question in the Indian case, because what would the
patriot be fighting for? An expansive circle of justice, or the squalid vulgarity
of the ethnic group? Mohammed Akhlaq had a son in the Indian Air Force, and
another who looked forward to joining. Naseeruddin Shah's brother was a general in the Indian Army. When that is not enough to guarantee
inclusion in the nation, the nation-state has become indefensible.<br />
<br />
October 17, 2015 </div>
</div>
Satadru Senhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/01130077806377387996noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6906155419903605634.post-1955921980827474502015-09-21T10:55:00.001-04:002015-09-23T12:34:22.858-04:00The Apotheosis of Alfred Cooke<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Number 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Number 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="10" QFormat="true" Name="Title"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Closing"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Signature"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="1" SemiHidden="true"
UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Default Paragraph Font"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text Indent"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Continue"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Continue 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Continue 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Continue 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Continue 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Message Header"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="11" QFormat="true" Name="Subtitle"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Salutation"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Date"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text First Indent"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text First Indent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Note Heading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text Indent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text Indent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Block Text"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Hyperlink"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="FollowedHyperlink"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="22" QFormat="true" Name="Strong"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="20" QFormat="true" Name="Emphasis"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Document Map"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Plain Text"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="E-mail Signature"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Top of Form"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Bottom of Form"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Normal (Web)"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Acronym"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Address"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Cite"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Code"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Definition"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Keyboard"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Preformatted"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Sample"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Typewriter"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Variable"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Normal Table"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="annotation subject"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="No List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Outline List 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Outline List 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Outline List 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Simple 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Simple 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Simple 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Classic 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Classic 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Classic 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Classic 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Colorful 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Colorful 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Colorful 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Columns 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Columns 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Columns 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Columns 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Columns 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 7"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 8"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 7"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 8"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table 3D effects 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table 3D effects 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table 3D effects 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Contemporary"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Elegant"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Professional"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Subtle 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Subtle 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Web 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Web 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Web 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Balloon Text"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="Table Grid"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Theme"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" Name="Placeholder Text"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="1" QFormat="true" Name="No Spacing"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" Name="Revision"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="34" QFormat="true"
Name="List Paragraph"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="29" QFormat="true" Name="Quote"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="30" QFormat="true"
Name="Intense Quote"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="19" QFormat="true"
Name="Subtle Emphasis"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="21" QFormat="true"
Name="Intense Emphasis"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="31" QFormat="true"
Name="Subtle Reference"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="32" QFormat="true"
Name="Intense Reference"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="33" QFormat="true" Name="Book Title"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="37" SemiHidden="true"
UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Bibliography"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" SemiHidden="true"
UnhideWhenUsed="true" QFormat="true" Name="TOC Heading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="41" Name="Plain Table 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="42" Name="Plain Table 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="43" Name="Plain Table 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="44" Name="Plain Table 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="45" Name="Plain Table 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="40" Name="Grid Table Light"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46" Name="Grid Table 1 Light"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51" Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52" Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46" Name="List Table 1 Light"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="List Table 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="List Table 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="List Table 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="List Table 5 Dark"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51" Name="List Table 6 Colorful"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52" Name="List Table 7 Colorful"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="List Table 1 Light Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="List Table 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="List Table 3 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="List Table 4 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="List Table 5 Dark Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="List Table 6 Colorful Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="List Table 7 Colorful Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="List Table 1 Light Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="List Table 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="List Table 3 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="List Table 4 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="List Table 5 Dark Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="List Table 6 Colorful Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="List Table 7 Colorful Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="List Table 1 Light Accent 3"/>
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<img alt="My Photo" class="profile-img" height="53" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhqDltmctnbI6etMxG_5OKNl6xL0ONysdcrlnVdYp6gFeQJdeUs26_ZHt5IWSAvPY7sit1FTZE6snxNO8ICwwsEBeA-DRb7zKa2hIbZzCNBQRY_LV1PZ7W5SBEgJf6PD0xSd_5Da5F_pHNI/s80/imgp5732asm.jpg" width="80" /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">On September 7 of 1965, as the
fighting between India and Pakistan spread beyond Kashmir, a young Indian pilot
named <a href="http://www.ndtv.com/india-news/4-pak-fighter-jets-but-an-indian-air-force-hero-won-the-day-1217303" target="_blank">Alfred Cooke</a> found himself in a swirling dogfight over the campus of IIT
Kharagpur, near the Kalaikunda air force station. It was the second Pakistani
air raid on Kalaikunda that morning. There were two Indian jets versus four
Pakistanis, but the Indians got the better of the intruders, and Cooke managed
shoot down one Pakistani plane and damaged another. By all accounts, he showed
great skill and courage, and fully deserved his Vir Chakra – in fact, he
probably deserved a higher award. At the time, however, his action was not seen
as especially memorable. Cooke’s role in the rest of the war is obscure, and he
himself disappeared into obscurity, emigrating to Australia a couple of years later, having retired at the same rank.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Since then, Alfred Cooke has made a
remarkable comeback, virtually from the dead. The Kalaikunda dogfight was
rediscovered, as it were, by two amateur military historians, Samir Chopra and
Jagan Mohan, in their informative book about squadron-level air operations in the
1965 war, published in 2005. Still, not many people took notice: the authors
were, for instance, faced with a frustrating indifference on the part of
book-review editors. Sections of the book appeared on a website for military
fanboys, war-porn aficionados and Hindu nationalists, but outside that small
community of self-described ‘jingoes,’ Cooke remained unknown. That he has now
re-emerged as a minor star is quite revealing about the place of history and
militarism in Indian national discourse.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">The immediate reason for Cooke’s
newfound stardom is simple. This year being the fiftieth anniversary of the
1965 war, the BJP-led government in New Delhi has decided to ‘celebrate India’s
victory.’ The media, eager as ever for a good party, has leapt on board,
scraping the barrel for bona fide war heroes. Cooke, now in his mid-seventies
and finally discovered, has been brought back from Australia, dusted off and
paraded before the television cameras, and a fair multitude of people who have
no clue about the politics of the war, know nothing about ‘what really
happened,’ and couldn’t tell a Sabre from a 747, are ready to celebrate the return
of the native son. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">It’s a highly Indian phenomenon, for
various reasons. Even countries that won unambiguous victories in war don’t ‘celebrate’
them anymore, especially if they’re liberal democracies. It’s considered poor
taste. In Indian democracy, the ‘liberal’ part died with Nehru and Ambedkar,
and the combination of kitsch and melodrama is the national taste. So
celebrations are in order. (Jai ho.) But it’s also something new, as indicated
by the lukewarm reception given to the book by Chopra and Mohan just a decade
ago. Military history is not a new genre of literature in India. In the first
decades of independence, when the country fought virtually all its wars,
several books by retired officers and analysts appeared in print, and some of
them – like John Dalvi’s <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Himalayan
Blunder </i>– were serious and thoughtful works of non-academic history,
although one might quarrel with the conclusions. The readership was very small,
but that reflected the limited size of the public that was invested in the
universal model of the modern nation-state, with its languages of foreign
policy, strategy and military tactics. The enthusiasms of this public – which had
no illusions about the fact that it lived in a poor and ‘backward’ country – were
appropriately modest, with a minimum of cheerleading and salivating.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">A different realism was apparent at
the popular level of picturing war: commercial cinema. The war movies (or
movies including war) from this earlier period were hopelessly ‘unrealistic,’
in the sense that they did not try very hard to achieve verisimilitude. The combat
footage in Shakti Samanta’s <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Aradhana</i>,
for instance, is clearly from the Korean War and World War II, or Hollywood
movies about those conflicts: the ‘Indian’ planes have US markings. Samanta
was working with an assumption that his middle- and working-class audiences
would neither notice nor care about the use of generic and crudely inserted
imagery. War action on screen was meant to <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">allude
</i>to<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"> </i>war, in much the same way that
embracing trees in picturesque valleys alluded to romantic/sexual goings-on.
Since the audience understood and accepted the allusion, it was real enough. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">It can, moreover, be argued that in
the 1960s, war itself had a certain reality for Indian consumers of the media,
although in a country without conscription or widespread military service, few
expected to put on a uniform. It was a mundane, low-level anxiety: the
periodic border conflicts put family members in harm’s way, and even people who
were not well-acquainted with the machines or the tactics knew the routine of
pasting over their window-panes. The representation in the media was,
accordingly, sentimental rather than glamorous or pornographic.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">In the forty-plus years since the
Bangladesh War, however, two generations have grown up that have never known
war at all, give or take the Kargil clash of 1999. The present-day media market
in India is not only much larger than it was in the past, it is qualitatively
different: more accustomed to consumption, more sophisticated in its taste for
images, hungrier in its visions of power, and less patient with the ignominy of
Third World status. It understands, at a level just below the surface of what
it will acknowledge, that it inhabits a country whose everyday mode of violence
is not the tech-tech contest of missiles and submarines, but the riot with
swords, tridents and kerosene cans. So a new combination of the real and the
unreal has emerged: the new public wants Top-Gun-like ‘realism’ in its images
and stories of war, but its images and stories are more fantastic than ever. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">This combination has given us some
extraordinary visuals. In a recent television commercial for a cell phone
service provider, a squad of Indian soldiers, looking a bit tired, are
supposedly returning from a battle, when one smiling fellow whips out his
phone, calls home, and declares “Mom! We won!” It’s farcical, but no satire is
intended. Kargil was nothing if not a carefully packaged media product,
complete with Bollywood starlets and preening TV anchors. Today, virtually the only
Indian journalist who provides readable analyses of defense news is <a href="http://www.ndtv.com/opinion/the-war-pakistan-lost-and-india-didnt-win-1217407" target="_blank">Shekhar Gupta</a>. He is outnumbered by fanboys exemplified by Vishnu Som, who
ask no difficult questions and only drool at the machines and warrior-gods, and
the greatest number are simply incompetent. Recently, the Indian Army has
put out an <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=3t5M10gBVCc" target="_blank">eleven-minute recruitment ad</a> that puts the American ‘Be all that you
can be’ campaign to shame, although it is obviously modeled after it. Alfred
Cooke, poor man, has been brought back from the underworld by the same frenzied
market for military 'glory.' </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">There is a great deal that is wrong
with this picture, including the televised image of Cooke. It cannot be called
‘military history’ even by the loose standards of popular history. It’s
actually a kind of anti-history. At the most basic level, by trying to
cherry-pick ‘success,’ it buries the long catalogue of ineptitude that
constituted the Indian war effort. Even the action that starred Cooke was
marked by incompetence: the Pakistani air raids on the Kalaikunda air base were
highly successful, half the Indian planes that were ordered to intercept the second raid failed to
engage the attackers, and Cooke’s aircraft was armed with the wrong kind of
ammunition. It elides S.C. Mamgain, who was Cooke’s partner in that fight,
turning a two-against-four battle (which was apparently not impressive enough)
into a <a href="https://www.bharat-rakshak.com/IAF/history/1965war/1334-alfred-cooke.html" target="_blank">one-against-four</a> affair. It turns a few short minutes in the life of a
twenty-five-year-old into a ‘victory’ that can stand for, and compensate for,
several thousand instances of heroism and absurdity.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">More pertinently, it casts the
politics of the war into the oblivion of total irrelevance, contributing both
to the Indian determination to not talk about Kashmir, and to the nationalist
myth of war without politics. It makes it tasteless to ask what factors in
Indian society led Anglo-Indians like Cooke to emigrate en masse, even as it turns
war into a spectator sport. That latter connection is not new; it’s familiar to us
from the associations between football and American militarism that Garry
Trudeau satirized, not to mention the older British discourse of ‘playing the
game.’ But the Indian maneuver goes a step further: it bypasses the game and
goes straight to the victory podium. The story becomes unimportant, even
distasteful; only the ending matters, even (especially) when the ending is a
public-relations product. In this regard, it replicates what has happened in
Indian cricket in recent years, as the flush new market (the same one that
consumes the war narratives) has shown its preference for shorter and shorter
versions of the game. What the public consumes is victory itself, and it
consumes its own consumption – i.e., celebration – of victory. The rest is
boring.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">That appetite for distilled victory
is not benign. The new military ‘history’ is inseparable from the building
climate of fascism in India. The craving for heroes who shine above general
incompetence, the consumption of technology into pornography, and the total
abstraction of war from political and social context are all hallmarks of that
fascism, and it occupies precisely the same political and social space as Hindu
nationalism. It is not a coincidence that websites that cater to these appetites
also harbor the crudest forms of anti-Muslim bigotry, and that their members
take time out to pour vitriol on the liberal arts, advocating their abolition
and using the rhetoric of treason – plus the terminology of the American far
right (‘libtard’, etc.) – to condemn <a href="http://forums.bharat-rakshak.com/viewtopic.php?f=1&t=7023&start=480" target="_blank">academics who recently signed a petition</a>
against Narendra Modi. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">This is a different level of
anti-liberalism from the sentimental view of war that existed forty years ago.
That older anti-liberalism has been fattened by the market forces that
developed in the 1990s, and its sentimentality has been supplemented by the
acute abstraction of what is imagined from what is lived. That a large part of
the Indian public feels the need to ‘celebrate’ a fifty-year-old ‘victory’ and
continues to use the vocabulary of ‘glory’ to describe military action is, at
best, a form of ideological immaturity. But it also signifies the deep damage
done by colonial subjugation, which has left a violent complex about
inferiority and weakness, and by a navel-gazing nationalism that has never
‘won’ adequately because it has not eliminated its existential enemy, which –
having been located next door and within – cannot be eliminated without
eliminating Indianness itself.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">It is politically naïve, in this
context, to ‘celebrate’ Alfred Cooke and others like him, and to cast the
celebration as an act of historical memory. It’s like celebrating American
pilots who achieved ‘victories’ in Vietnam. Who celebrates Charles Hartman and
Clinton Johnson, although there too, fifty years have passed? Such celebrations
would be regarded as absurd, outside fringe communities of military
enthusiasts. They would be absurd not because Vietnam was a ‘bad’ war and the
Indo-Pak war a ‘good’ one, but because American society has developed ways of
talking about war – debate, protest, criticism, analysis, retrospective vision –
that, however imperfect, enable meaningful judgments of ‘good’ and ‘bad,’ and
ensure that the memory of war is not the preserve of ‘jingoes’ alone. There are
serious, thoughtful histories of the Vietnam War that make it impossible to
mistake Rambo for the real thing for very long. In India, without such
histories to provide context, pose hard questions and generate introspection,
remembering and recording the exploits of individuals like Cooke becomes fodder
for the anti-liberal politics of the day. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Stories like Cooke’s should not,
however, be dismissed as unimportant. Critics of militarism and ‘macho
nationhood’ must understand that these are attractive stories: that there is
indeed something appealing about the narrative of a young pilot who fights off
multiple enemies, lands, has to be lifted from the cockpit because his body has
gone limp, and can barely remember his experience, leaving gun-camera footage
to fill in the blanks in his memory. That appeal is central to the erotics of nationalism
and citizenship; the male citizen is normatively a military fanboy. Moreover, the Indian nation-state is a particular kind of modern
community: a democracy that dispensed early with liberalism, preferring
authoritarianism and technocracy as its dominant ethos. Its elites have long
been enamored of war, but rarely deviated from the arc between
sentimentality and self-pleasuring fantasy. In that setting, the rhetoric of ‘victory’
and ‘glory’ is especially pernicious: there is something reckless and intoxicated
about it that resembles but exceeds the notorious ‘innocence’ of American
militarism. The clearest danger it poses is not the threat of war, but that of
normalizing illiberal democracy, with its visions of traitors, fifth columns,
sabotaged majorities and uniformed chains of command. It becomes particularly
important, then, to be mindful of the company stories keep, and to compensate
actively for the guilty pleasures of celebrating victory, beginning with
recognizing it as a guilty pleasure.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">There is, obviously, no such thing as
innocent military history – or innocent history of any kind – in the modern
age, when national communities immediately claim and use that history for their
own purposes. The insistence on innocence is itself a political position. Telling war stories as a feel-good exercise is like telling police stories (which also have their share of heroics and sacrifice, and their constituencies of police fans and families) without talking about the politics of policing: it invariably becomes a reactionary exercise. One
must, in those circumstances, inquire about the purposes and tactics of
remembering the particulars of war.</span><br />
<br />
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">I want to end, therefore, with a suggestion for how the story of
Alfred Cooke can be remembered without conceding it to fascism. Cooke and
other Anglo-Indians in the air force (there were many) had to deal
with the racism of their ‘authentically Indian’ fellow-officers, who did not
always try very hard to hide their contempt for what they saw as the low-born bastards
of empire. That racism, while not as devastating as what Muslims have faced,
was a semi-acknowledged fact of life in independent India, and it was closely
related to the majoritarian understanding of Indianness. It left a guilty trace
in the movies (Satyajit Ray’s <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Mahanagar, </i>K.S.
Sethumadhavan’s <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Julie</i>, Aparna Sen’s <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">36 Chowringhee Lane</i>), and in the sizeable
community of Anglo-Indian ex-IAF officers in Australia (who have traded
one marginal condition for another). The way to remember Cooke is to tell his
story – and that of other ‘celebrated’ Anglo-Indians from 1965, such as Pete
Wilson and the Keelor brothers – in the context of that part of the modern
Indian experience, alongside the stories of exclusion, discrimination, early
retirement and emigration. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">That contextualization would be
resisted immediately as ‘divisive’, ‘parochial’ and ‘communal’ by the
majoritarians who insist upon the fantasy of undivided nationality (the familiar 'don't call them Anglo-Indian officers, they're simply Indian officers' objection) even as they
exclude and discriminate, in order to delegitimize minorities who complain or
organize. But for that reason alone, it would restore soldiers – who, like
athletes, are supposedly ‘above politics’ – to politics, forcing the recognition
that the innocence of heroism is already political. It would, in the process, withhold
a powerful piece of historical memory from the forces that drive the very real
fascist predicament in India today, and place military history in the service
of justice and a livable nationhood.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">September 21, 2015 </span></div>
</div>
Satadru Senhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/01130077806377387996noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6906155419903605634.post-69149862084180819722015-09-04T22:03:00.002-04:002015-09-27T09:46:23.433-04:00The National Shit<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: small; line-height: 150%;">Recently, I had the opportunity to peer-review an article on the politics of shit in
India. It was a fine contribution; I recommended that it be published, and it
will, presumably, appear in print at some point in the near future. The author
sought to make some connections between the phenomenon of outdoor defecation in
India, and the inequalities of caste, arguing, more or less, that Indian
attitudes towards shit reflect the extreme exclusions faced by communities that
have traditionally been associated with ‘unclean’ tasks. I was persuaded
by the arguments, but found myself thinking more broadly about Indian shit. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: small;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: small; line-height: 150%;">The politics of Indians’ defecation
is not <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">only </i>about caste; it is about
nationhood itself. Not surprisingly, when non-Indians have thought about India
in the past, they have sometimes felt compelled to talk shit: Katherine Mayo,
Günter Grass, V.S. Naipaul, and various others. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Indeed, ‘where Indians defecate’ has entered
global public discourse: whenever there is a demonstration of Indian national
prowess, such as the ISRO Mars mission, the comments sections of foreign
news sites mushroom with reproaches about wasting money on rockets when half
your population shits in the open. This has become one of those things that
even (or rather, especially) people who couldn’t place India on a map are
confident about. Over the past year, the government of Prime Minister Narendra
Modi has itself played a leading role in highlighting the toilet issue,
trumpeting the cause of “Swachch Bharat” (Clean India) and urging ministers,
actors, athletes and other prominent citizens to pose with brooms before the
television cameras. These well-heeled <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">jharuwallas
</i>are, of course, quite aware that Swachch Bharat will not come anytime soon,
and are not overly bothered.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: small;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: small; line-height: 150%;">That leaves us with a few questions
that I would like to address very briefly. One concerns the persistent
popularity of the subject of Indian defecation. Here there is a difference
between the ‘foreign’ and ‘native’ discourses. The foreign narrative is either
aggressively colonial, or, in a variation, nervously defensive. It emerged in
the 1920s, precisely when the Montagu-Chelmsford reforms had given Indian
politicians a measure of control over the lower levels of the government of the
country. Talk of filth functioned, in this context, as a nullification of this self-government:
natives were clearly incapable of running the machinery of administration. In
the period after 1947, as Nehru and the Jadavpur/IIT generations made machinery
(literally) a new basis of Indian civilization, missing toilets became a
technological counterthrust: a way of putting upstarts in their place, and
shoring up increasingly precarious distinctions and hierarchies between the
natures of whites and natives. Dams and spacecraft swirled into the hole of the
absent toilet, giving the lie to their own existence. Just as importantly, they
left behind a moral stench, because the accusation was not simply about missing
latrines, but about deluded self-indulgence: the refusal to take care of one’s
own, preferring Martians to peasants.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: small;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: small; line-height: 150%;">The Indian narratives are more
complex and interesting. They emerged in the second half of the nineteenth
century, in two contexts that remained resolutely separate: the formulation of
the middle-class family, and municipal sanitation. In the first, the polemics
of cleanliness came largely from people who identified themselves as
conservatives, and sought to articulate a ritual purity, in the literal sense
of <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">rituals of purity</i>, that could be
contrasted with the impurity and unhealthiness of a colonized public sphere. This
meant elaborate instructions on how to defecate (do not linger, do not talk,
try to avoid sniffing) and how to wash up afterwards (use ashes, not soap). Some
of these same men became interested in what Benoy Kumar Sarkar later called ‘mistrification,’
or the cultivation of a mechanically adept subjectivity across the classes:
respectable men who possessed, and were not afraid to use, the tools of home
repair, and who displayed what became an elusive grail of Indian nationalism: 'scientific spirit.' The householder, conceivably, could be his own mistry, plumber and even
janitor. Such schemes enjoyed a glimmer of popularity during the National
Education project associated with the Swadeshi movement, but then faded almost entirely.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: small;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: small; line-height: 150%;">Municipal action, on the other hand,
touched upon shit only in the context of disease-control, and even then very
gingerly. Without the pressure of cholera, and sometimes even then, public shit
remained somebody else’s problem, because the public defecator was reliably
somebody else, and ‘the public’ not much more than an occasionally useful
abstraction. It was only when Gandhi began holding up latrine democracy in his
communes as the metaphor of a new public life, and pointing his finger at <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">how</i> the respectable continued to shit in
their own homes (not very cleanly at all), that some connecting threads began
to appear: between the communal latrine and the bathroom, between the toilet
and the temple, between caste justice and democracy. These threads were, of
course, by and large brushed away with the rest of Gandhi’s agenda of social
reorganization.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: small;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: small; line-height: 150%;">They are now, apparently, being
picked up again by the Modi regime, but these are of course not the same
threads. They are at once a charade and a distortion, first because they are
not accompanied by an agenda of economic and caste justice, second because they
constitute an empty gesture of purposeful statecraft that is itself sinister,
and third because they mistake public toilets for a public habit.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>An important part of the BJP’s support base,
including the prime minister himself, is openly enamored of the cleanliness of
places like Singapore and leaders like Lee Kuan Yew. This is not a new trend in
Indian nationalist discourse; the longing for a strong leader who will clean
things up in the name of the state goes back at least as far as the 1920s. Since
Indian political realities have stubbornly refused to either accommodate or legitimize
that kind of state or elite action, the interventions have typically been sporadic,
illicit or theatrical: pogroms, the Emergency, and less malignantly, Swachch
Bharat. None have solved the problem of filth in Indian society, except
in terms of providing a transient satisfaction to those who understand the
connections between cleanness and power.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: small;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: small; line-height: 150%;">One of the laudable things about the Swachch
Bharat program is that it has included the actual building of latrines: both public
facilities and home toilets. (In the later case, it has carried forward an
initiative which actually began under the previous government.) The problem, as
everyone involved in these projects knows, is not only that proudly-built sewage lines terminate in rivers and on beaches (Indian municipal sanitation is largely about moving the stink downwind), but also that even when the toilets are
made available, Indians continue to prefer the great outdoors when nature
calls. There is a practical side to this perversity. Private homes often
have a premium on space, and cannot spare a room for the bowels. Anybody who
has visited a public toilet in India – in a bus station or on a train, for
instance – knows that these are extensions of hell, best avoided. Words fail
the user; there is no need to proscribe talking. Even facilities that the
middle class (would rather not) use, such as school toilets, inspire a dread
that must be smelled to be believed; boys at the most respectable schools shit
in their pants rather than venture into the latrine. Nowhere is there an assurance of soap and water, let alone ashes. No institution, government or private, invests
anything substantial in training or compensating those who are charged with
cleaning public toilets, and such staff – where they exist – are treated with
the dual contempt that is reserved in India for the low-caste and poor, who, in
their undernourished skins and dirty uniforms, function as a race apart. For
them, indifference to their assigned tasks becomes a perfectly reasonable form
of resistance. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: small;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: small; line-height: 150%;">Practicality, however, is only part
of the problem of Indian toilets, and it is of course not distinct from
ideology and politics. It can hardly be denied that for many Indians, the toilet
itself is inherently unclean, something to avoid and banish from the home. And
even middle class householders make themselves at home with - but not in - dank, slippery,
roach-infested bathrooms that are a sort of afterthought to
domesticity. While caste prejudices have something to do with this, much of it is
connected to a compartmentalized tolerance of filth, and patterns of urban dirtiness we would
recognize in the fairly recent history of the European city, where people might
simply pitch their shit out the window with a warning shout of “Gardyloo!”
These are the habits of urban peasantry, who became ‘civilized’ in Europe partly
through the mitigation of extreme poverty, and partly through absorption into the
more or less horizontal community of the national population. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: small;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: small; line-height: 150%;">In India, where poverty remained
romanticized as ‘authentic’ but nationhood remained fundamentally vanguardist, there
was no corresponding mass de-peasantification. The most glaring failure, I would
suggest, came in the area of primary education. When Nehru and his colleagues
declined to prioritize public education, they neglected a basic function of the
nationalizing project of the modern state, which is the transformation of habit
into the stuff of historical agency. In this project, compulsion is as
automatically legitimate as nationhood itself, and the refusal of the Indian
state to enforce compulsory education was the abdication of a power that is
prized in the rhetoric of the left as well as the right. “There must be compulsion,”
Benoy Sarkar had remarked about urban governance, without feeling he was being
anti-democratic or illiberal. The modern citizen – the fascist as well as the
liberal – will shit right only if subjected to a measure of compulsion; toilet-training
is a part of what Norbert Elias saw as the civilizing process both within and
without the family. Bentham's invisible guard must of course be internalized, but the little savages must first be hauled into the circles of civilization.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: small;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: small; line-height: 150%;">Relatively few Indian children
attended school consistently. Those who did, learned to hold it in. Yet it is children
who are not afraid to shit at school that recoil from the prospect of public
defecation, and it is those who have been trained to regard brooms and plungers
as ordinary implements that do not shrink from toilets and janitors. In India, where
such people are mainly fantastic, the failure to compel children to go to school is
intertwined with the resounding refusal of the national elites to teach<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"> themselves</i> the value of working with
tools. The Indian model of development produced, ironically, a nation of
engineers who disdain mechanical proficiency and regard mechanics as dirty, but see dirt as both normal and external to themselves. They take it for granted but refuse to own it, holding their noses, as it were. Disgust with and tolerance of
shit –the unpleasant bathroom that one uses but does not inhabit – then undergirds
a national habit, producing, among other things, a rhetoric of cleansing power
that is itself a discursive habit of <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">ressentiment</i>
nationalism. But development is first and foremost the building of habits that can
sustain and be sustained by infrastructure. It is, consequently, in the arena
of habit that India continues to be a grossly underdeveloped nation.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: small; line-height: 150%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: small; line-height: 150%;">September 4, 2015</span></div>
</div>
Satadru Senhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/01130077806377387996noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6906155419903605634.post-67520586818994083452015-06-08T13:40:00.001-04:002015-06-10T18:35:56.950-04:00On Self-Hate and Romance<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<div style="text-align: center;">
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<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>In
the latter part of the 1980s, as Rajiv Gandhi’s honeymoon with the voters who
had given him a thumping majority in Parliament came to an end, people began
muttering about alternative leadership. Some names were muttered more than
others. One was V.P. Singh, who in fact became the next PM. Another was Arif
Mohammed Khan, the dissident Congressman who had opposed the government’s
handling of the Shah Bano affair and resigned soon afterwards. Arif was (and
remains) a Muslim, of course, and for that reason few took him seriously as a
prime ministerial candidate. He later joined the BJP. But in that moment, when
the Congress – internally eroded by Mrs. Indira Gandhi – was showing its
weakness, various Indian politicians who had no nationwide base became viable
contenders for the top job: not only V.P. Singh, but also Chandra Shekhar,
Inder Gujral, H.D. Deve Gowda and Narasimha Rao. Arif’s religious identity,
which made him an unlikely candidate, also gave him a certain romantic appeal,
quite apart from his reputation as a man of conscience in a cynical capital. I
want to suggest that although it came to nothing – his political career went
downhill – Arif’s brief moment in the sun reflects a strain of Hindu self-hate
that is worthy of recuperation. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>The
romance of the Muslim is both an unlikely and a resilient part of Indian
nationhood. The cultural history of the republic is littered with it, from <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Mughal-e-Azam, </i>through the cricket
captaincy of Pataudi, to the popularity of A.P.J. Abdul Kalam at the height of
the Hindutva wave. It may be argued that Akbar, Pataudi and Abdul Kalam were
all “safe” or “palatable” Muslims: one dead, one secular-debonair, and one a missile
scientist. They did not hold forth on unpleasant subjects like police brutality
or <a href="http://www.scroll.in/article/731392/religious-apartheid-india-has-no-law-to-stop-private-sector-from-discriminating-on-grounds-of-faith" target="_blank">discrimination in housing and employment</a>. But the fact remains that they were also quite
different types, and the nationalist imagination had room for them all. Had
Abdul Kalam been a Hindu, he would have been a rather ordinary figure. But a
Muslim president who wrote poetry about nuclear weapons and presided over a BJP
administration was, well, romantic. It was as if the historical project of national
purging, or Muslim-exclusion, had unexpectedly unearthed – even produced – a
miracle of inclusion. The novelist Anita Desai recognized the dynamic in <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Clear Light of Day</i>, which is probably
her best work: as the Partition takes its bloody course, the bed-ridden Hindu
poet Raja fumes at the ongoing attacks on Muslims, pens derivative <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">shairi</i> and fantasizes about heroic feats
of rescue. Desai is somewhat unkind to Raja, who “saves” (marries) a Muslim neighbor
with a rich father and becomes rich and fat in consequence. Nevertheless, the
self-indulgence of his heroism and bad poetry do not altogether efface a particular
type of romantic majority-subjectivity that is very much a part of Indian
nationalism. As much as Indian secularism, from which it is not fully distinct,
its most basic function is the rescue and protection of the religious minority
– specifically, Muslims – from the dangerous margins of majoritarian
nationhood.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>In
general, romantic nationalism is an artifact and instrument of the right; our
understanding of the phenomenon is inextricably bound with the histories of European
fascism. But it would be more accurate to say that all nationalism is romantic:
sooner or later, even the most drily civic and liberal nations acquire fuzzy,
feel-good mythologies in which liberalism itself becomes a romance and a
bloodline. Romance is both a necessity and a danger within nationalist
projects, sustaining the community by making the exclusion of outsiders a
source of pleasure. Indian majoritarianism (and indeed, the Pakistani and
Bangladeshi) indicates, however, that alongside this exclusive “mainstream,”
with its erotics of violence and demonization, there is a romance of inclusion
which produces alternative communities in which majoritarian considerations are
not so much set aside as differently deployed, often by the same people who
subscribe to the more conventional constructions of identity and nationhood. Simultaneously
normative and deviant, these other romances are redemptive possibilities within
majoritarian democracy.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>That
redemption is most readily visible in the movies. Indian popular cinema retains
a small but powerful and resilient niche for narratives of Muslim-inclusion: <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Mughal-e-Azam, Jodhaa Akbar, Bombay, Pinjar,
Veer Zaara, </i>and so on<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">. </i>These are
very different films. <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Mughal-e-Azam </i>invited
the audience to identify with protagonists who were largely Muslims. It
succeeded at least partly because Akbar’s status as the patron-emperor of
Indian unity meshed with the Nehruvian secular ethos, allowing a momentary
nostalgia for Mughal Hindustan. Since then, secularism has acquired the
“pseudo” prefix and Akbar has become a marginal icon (streets and jumbo jets
are no longer named after him), needing a Rajput princess to capture the
sympathy of Hindu cinema-goers. But the films continue to articulate fantastic
desires for union or reunion, or an alternative/hybrid Indian self that not
only admits the greatest possible intimacy between Hindus and Muslims, but that
spotlights the menace of pure selves. In this recuperation of a self that is
“both,” there is the modern promise of a secular Indianness that arches over
communal identities, as well as a residue of older, un-partitioned maps and
imaginations. Each is a romance of a nationhood that may never have existed,
but that is nevertheless experienced as both lost and real. It exists as a
ghost ideology, or a recurring dream to which even fascists are susceptible.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>This
brings me back to Arif Mohammed Khan and Muslims in the BJP. Quite apart from
the big names – Najma Heptulla, M.J. Akbar and others – some <a href="http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/30-lakh-Muslims-join-BJP-during-membership-drive/articleshow/47536563.cms" target="_blank">three millionMuslims</a> have joined the party this year alone. It is not difficult to
understand why Muslims might join an overtly anti-Muslim party. The reasons are
entirely prosaic: affiliation brings a measure of security and patronage. There
is also the nature of the BJP, which is not <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">just
</i>an anti-Muslim organization. It is increasingly taking the place of the
Congress as India’s “big tent” political party. It is possible, given the right
incentives, to overlook the more rabid expressions of Hindutva and focus on
other things. </span><br />
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;"> It is harder to gauge the effect of Muslim participation on the
BJP. In theory, small numbers of Muslims function as a fig leaf, giving the
party the respectability of a secular veneer. In practice, however, even modest
numbers of Muslim politicians and voters function as brakes on the chariot:
every vote counts in a tight election, and the hate-speech must be tamped down
to give spin doctors like M.J. Akbar something to work with. Just as importantly,
it reflects and strengthens a political and ideological environment in which
respectability comes from inclusion, and the realism of the minority is tied up
with the romantic imagination of the majority. This is why the presence of
Muslims in the BJP is qualitatively different from a hypothetical situation in
which Jews join the NSDAP, and even the participation of Palestinians in Zionist
parties. No Arab politician could be a spokesman for Likud in the way that M.J.
Akbar can be the spokesman of the BJP.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify; text-indent: .5in;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;">It can be argued that the Muslim who
joins or votes for the BJP exhibits a form of self-hate. But what is self-hate?
If we consider the modern Jewish concept of the self-hating subject, it is immediately
evident that there are two, intertwined, forms of this perversion. One is the
angst of Herzl’s “new Jew,” who remained insecure about his distance from the “old
Jew,” who he saw much as gentiles did: stunted, weak, cringing, easily
murdered, unenlightened, Oriental, and so on. The other is the treason of the
Jew who refuses to align uncritically with Zionism. Among Indian Muslims,
something akin to the first variety can be glimpsed in Syed Ahmed Khan’s remark
that compared to the English, his compatriots were dirty animals. The second
variety would materialize later, in the post-1937 Muslim League narrative of
Congress Muslims. Ironically, in independent idea, a diluted version of that
second criticism has been adopted by the secular left and aimed at BJP Muslims.
But generally speaking, Indo-Muslim self-hate has migrated to Pakistan and more
problematically, to Bangladesh, where like Hindutva (with its contempt for the
“pseudo-secular” Indian and obsession with “appeasement”), a reformulated
Two-Nation Theory can thrive on epithets pinned on critics of the unfettered
power of the majority. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>Self-hate
in Indian nationalism is primarily a phenomenon of the modern Hindu who loathes
what he sees as the historical weakness of his compatriots: their indiscipline,
effeminacy, cowardice, fatalism, servility, softness, excessive spirituality, military incompetence, indifference
to the hard requirements of the material world, and reluctance to embrace the
prerogatives of the majority on its own land. The Hindu right’s hatred of
Gandhi, Faisal Devji pointed out, was rooted in the perception that he practiced
a politics of minority activism: coming out of South Africa, where Indians were
a minority, Gandhi never made the switch to majoritarianism. Indeed, it may be
accurate to say that modern self-hate is intertwined not so much with fear of a
particular minority as with fear of minority-ness, or the minority condition in
the scheme of popular sovereignty. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>At
the same time, it is readily apparent that the rhetoric of self-hate secretes a
series of fractures within the modern self. The separation between the hater
and the hated remains unreliable. Moreover, the barb can be – and is – flung in
either direction across the left-right divide, with each side accusing the
other of being self-hating, and not without justification. (It is not a
coincidence that in Indian politics, the charge of having strayed from
secularism is a weapon of the right as well as the left.) Self-hate is, in
fact, ubiquitous in nationalism. It reflects not so much a disavowal of communal
identity, as a refusal or failure to be sealed within it. From the standpoint
of justice, the acceptance of identity is as important as the ambivalence
towards it, because it undergirds a responsibility that is otherwise diluted to
homeopathic proportions within liberal-secular universalism. It is the
combination of acceptance and refusal/failure that produces cosmopolitanism,
and more specifically, the cosmopolitan citizenship that makes calculations of
majority and minority contingent and fascists apoplectic. There is something
salutary about it, and I am entirely in agreement with Mike Marqusee’s remark
that people without a measure of self-hate are not to be trusted. It is
precisely those nationalities that have been pushed by historical circumstances
into hating themselves a little – Germans, the Japanese – that have produced
the more encouraging examples of non-militaristic nationhood.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>In
South Asia, the liberal form of secularism has not worked very well: that much,
I think, is apparent to liberals as well as to those who do not care much for
liberalism. Various romances have flourished instead: those of Syed Ahmed Khan,
Bankim, Iqbal, Savarkar. Typically, the authors of these romances have urged
their co-nationalists to remember: to remember Mahmud and Somnath, Shivaji and
Aurangzeb, Punjab in 1947 and Bangladesh in 1971, Saurabh Kalia and Papa II, and
so on. But people also tend to forget, and what we see in India’s cinema of the
intimate Muslim is a desire to forget, which is inseparable from the urge to conjure
up mythical tales of Akbar-and-Jodhabai, and a self that has overflowed its communal
boundaries. In Mani Ratnam’s <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Bombay, </i>the
frantic father searching for his children in the middle of a riot shouts that
he is neither a Hindu nor a Muslim, only an Indian. To describe that desire as
secular is to strip it of its meaning and power, because what it really is, is
romantic. Self-hate, in other words, is as much about forgetting as about
remembering, and where memory has been harnessed to the power and violence of
the nation, forgetting functions as an intimate form of resistance to the
hegemonic ideology. It generates unexpected variations on nationalist
iconography. In Yash Chopra’s <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Veer Zaara</i>
– an utterly mainstream product and one of the most commercially successful
Hindi films ever – the standard heroic figure of the uniformed warrior swaggers
into the frame in the decidedly non-violent form of a rescue pilot in an
unarmed helicopter, and even he resigns his IAF commission midway into the
movie. Our self-hating Squadron Leader is no Top Gun.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>When
the liberal foundations of secular citizenship are weak, as they are in India,
the bases of tolerance and minority rights have to be sought within majoritarian
nationalism itself. Forgetful desire is not, of course, a reliable means of
justice. Modern states are by definition creatures of memory-making and
record-keeping, and it is at best naïve to believe that the Indian state (or
the Pakistani or the Bangladeshi) will wither away, leaving happily devolved
communities of Gandhians and Nandians. The building and maintenance of secular-liberal
institutions and the production and dissemination of histories that are not
recycled Orientalist fables remains essential, even as we acknowledge that
these will remain embattled in their existence and compromised in their
operation. But it is also important to see that such institutions, which may be
resented by the illiberal nationalist, can complement the unreliable boundaries
of self-hating subjectivity, and that majoritarian romance is a resource that
deserves to be taken seriously and better utilized in everyday discourse and practice.
What makes the romantic fiction of Indian secularism hopeless also keeps it
alive.</span></div>
<br />
June 8, 2015<br />
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" SemiHidden="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" SemiHidden="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" SemiHidden="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" SemiHidden="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" SemiHidden="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" SemiHidden="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="35" SemiHidden="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="10" QFormat="true" Name="Title"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="1" SemiHidden="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="11" QFormat="true" Name="Subtitle"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="22" QFormat="true" Name="Strong"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="20" QFormat="true" Name="Emphasis"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="Table Grid"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" Name="Revision"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="34" QFormat="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="29" QFormat="true" Name="Quote"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="30" QFormat="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 1"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 1"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 1"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 2"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 2"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 3"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 4"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 5"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 6"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 6"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 6"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="19" QFormat="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="21" QFormat="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="31" QFormat="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="32" QFormat="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="33" QFormat="true" Name="Book Title"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="37" SemiHidden="true"
UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Bibliography"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" SemiHidden="true"
UnhideWhenUsed="true" QFormat="true" Name="TOC Heading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="41" Name="Plain Table 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="42" Name="Plain Table 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="43" Name="Plain Table 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="44" Name="Plain Table 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="45" Name="Plain Table 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="40" Name="Grid Table Light"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46" Name="Grid Table 1 Light"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51" Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52" Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 3"/>
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Satadru Senhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/01130077806377387996noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6906155419903605634.post-64475015991065362472014-12-07T20:32:00.001-05:002014-12-18T13:21:55.480-05:00Beyond the Settler-Colonial Paradigm<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<div style="text-align: center;">
<!--[if gte mso 9]><xml>
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</xml><![endif]--><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"> Thinking
Futures conference, Port Blair, 4-5 December 2014</i></b></div>
<div align="center" style="line-height: 200%; text-align: center; text-indent: .5in;">
Satadru
Sen (City University of New York)</div>
<div style="line-height: 200%; text-align: justify; text-indent: .5in; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br />
In Munich last year, I attended a conference on the Andamans.
Several of you were there also. There were, of course, no Andamanese present.
So we ended up in a rather old-fashioned ritual of talking <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">about</i> so-called primitive people who are acknowledged to be alive,
but for whom self-representation would be unnatural. </div>
<div style="line-height: 200%; text-align: justify; text-indent: .5in; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
The situation is not too different here in Port Blair. I don’t
mean that the organizers should have brought a couple of Jarawas or an Onge to
make a token appearance. But nearly seventy years after independence, we should
have been able to have a Jarawa or an Onge appear at a conference like this on
their own initiative, to speak as their own agents. That these expectations
seem unrealistic is not too different from Victorians scoffing at the prospect
of natives with Ph.Ds. It is a sign that something is not right.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none; text-indent: .5in; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 200%;">Since
I’m critiquing the very concept of the primitive tribe, let me bore you for a minute
with the history of primitiveness. Primitivism refers broadly to the Western
fascination with the idea of ‘the primitive,’ manifested primarily in
non-Western societies but also secondarily within the West itself. As a
‘movement’ that emerged in Europe in the eighteenth century, it developed a
particularly close relationship with the politics of imperialism. It reflected,
on the one hand, the confident new realities of racism and colonialism, and on
the other hand, a growing disenchantment with the Enlightenment, an affected
rejection of modernity, and a pessimism about the permanence of ‘civilization’
and its racial order.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none; text-indent: .5in; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 200%;">At
the most readily apparent level, this was an oppositional relationship: the
primitiveness ascribed to newly discovered people underscored the modernity to
which the civilized were attached. At the same time, primitivism became part of
a complex relationship of objectification. To be modern and civilized was also
to consume the primitive aesthetically, scientifically and economically. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none; text-indent: .5in; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 200%;">Nineteenth-century
primitivism was simultaneously appreciative, contemptuous and ‘objective’ in
its outlook on what it consumed. It was appreciative in the sense that it was
closely intertwined with Romanticism, in which the alien, primitive and dying became
desirable counterparts to the competitive, utilitarian and thriving West. This
desire marks the growing appetite in Western markets for ‘primitive’ arts and
artifacts, either collected in colonial locations or fashioned in the West
itself. By the end of the century, the Andamans had been integrated into this
pattern, with the aggressive collection of artifacts and photographs that
showcased pacified savages producing what Europeans perceived as an authentic
pre-industrial harmony, beauty and genius. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none; text-indent: .5in; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 200%;">Yet
primitivism was contemptuous in the assumption that modernity possessed a
higher value than what was appreciated as primitive. And it was objective in
the sense that it bestowed its aficionados with the equanimity of the scientist
or the curator rather than the zeal of the conquistador. Primitive people existed
to be studied, as clues to the nature of humanity and living fossils that would
not long survive the triumph of a civilization equipped with battleships and
capitalism. For evolutionist anthropologists in particular, the savage or
primitive contemporary, once a menacing proposition, now became synonymous with
frailty, death and extinction – a discourse which has dominated the narrative
of the Andamanese since the 1880s.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none; text-indent: .5in; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 200%;">M.V.
Portman explicitly described the Andamanese as a chemistry experiment in its
final stages, and the islands as a laboratory of natural history: a substance
that had long existed in the vacuum of insulation, he argued, was violently
dematerializing at the touch of air. It was sad but exciting, an insight into
the primordial nature of mortality. The death-by-demoralization hypothesis has
never gone away: much of our present-day idea of the Andamanese as a doomed
people flows from the notion that primitive people confronted by modernity
become so demoralized that they die.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none; text-indent: .5in; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 200%;">In
turn-of-the-century Europe, the morbid savage had an important variation: in anthropology-inspired
popular literature like Conrad’s <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Heart of
Darkness</i>, the primitive threatened to infiltrate Europe itself, or to show
itself as having been there all along. This valorization of a primitive mode within
whiteness was not benign. Most straightforwardly, it encouraged casual violence
against native people. In settler colonies like Australia, the historian
Patrick Wolfe has pointed out, the indigenous population was superfluous to the
social, political and economic order. And even in colonies where indigenous
labor was a rational requirement, Michael Taussig has suggested, primitivism
generated irrational excesses of violence and terror. Colonizers appropriated
the apparent primitiveness of aborigines and deployed it against them, killing
them without constraints. I don’t need to remind anybody here about the
violence visited on the Andamanese tribes from the moment the HMS Viper sailed
into these waters: the shootings, kidnappings, flogging, forced labor, exhibitions,
etc. The primitiveness ascribed to the native justified ‘uncivilized’ conduct
by the civilized: not only had the native invited the violence visited upon
him, his ‘obsolete’ condition suggested that he was already extinct, and
killing him not especially damning.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none; text-indent: .5in; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 200%;">How
much of this history can be applied to independent India – a nation of natives
with natives, so to speak? The answers are a mixed bag. An interest in the
primitive is certainly discernible within Indian nationalist narratives, but much
of the time, the primitive was identified with the roots of the Self, but not placed
in direct opposition to the modern Self. It was neither valorized nor denigrated
for its primitiveness: the Indian-nationalist tendency has been to highlight
how modern its ancestors were, but at the same time, to assign to it a higher
moral value than the colonized and degraded present.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none; text-indent: .5in; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 200%;">The
Adivasi model of aboriginality was invented to fit this frame, but it was an
uneasy fit, because quite early on, the nationally-oriented class conceived
them partly through the lens of European primitivism. And certainly, within a nationalism
articulated by upper-caste Hindus, the Adivasi was racialized to some extent.
But for a couple of reasons, this was a limited Othering. One is that Indian
nationalist discourse quickly found a niche for the non-Aryan <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">within </i>the national geography and the
national Self: by the early twentieth century, the liberal wing of Indian
nationalism – the Tagore family, for instance – had decisively adopted the
Adivasi as a pristine repository of Indian culture, and even Hindu-nationalist
ideologues like Savarkar were emphasizing an <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Indian</i> race from which Adivasis were not separate. And certainly if
we were to look below the layer of elite nationalism, to the lower-caste world
of mofussil towns and villages, the Adivasi was only semi-distinct, with no
sharp line between the world of the tribal and that of the peasant.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none; text-indent: .5in; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 200%;">The
other is that by the time the Tagores were patronizing the incorporation of
Santals and Mundas into the national body as art, folklore and even history,
there already existed a politics of Adivasi self-assertion. I don’t mean the
hools and rebellions beloved of Subalternist historians. I mean the work of politicians like Jaipal Singh, which brought
Adivasis into active and participatory roles in the national mainstream. They
entered wearing primitiveness like a contextual badge of identity that was not
essentially different from other modern identities. It was, however
imperfectly, a self-directed, negotiated and modern union with Indianness,
premised more on similarity and equality than on difference and inferiority. It
provides, in fact, a model of self-representation that could be quite useful to
projects like a tribal museum in the Andamans.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 200%;"><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>But these maneuvers were premised on
the near-total absence of a discourse of superfluity. The absence was, on the
one hand, part and parcel of exploitation in Indian society: as with blacks in
apartheid South Africa, there was space for tribal people because there was a
need for their labor. But on the other hand, it remained possible for those
designated as Adivasis to contest oppression politically, socially and even culturally.
In other words, there was space for them as living people even when there was
no obvious need for them as Santals or Gonds. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none; text-indent: .5in; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 200%;">The
South African parallel is actually quite instructive. Wolfe pointed out
recently that apartheid was not based on a fantasy that entire groups of people
would cease to exist. It was oppressive and appropriative, but there is
something worse, which we see in settler-colonial situations where there is no
conceptual, political or actual space for the aborigine. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none; text-indent: .5in; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 200%;">We
have come close to that in the Andamans. After independence, several things have happened in tandem to make the situation <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">more</i>
settler-colonial than before. One is, of course, the accelerated migration from
the Indian mainland. Unlike convicts, the migrants have become a politically mobilized
demographic, able to approach the state with their claims on local resources. The
peculiar status of the tribal population, in which they are <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">normatively </i>limited to a shrinking patch
of jungle instead of being located in a wider society and geography, has only
encouraged settlers to regard them as superfluous people taking up space. The
other is that the administration has remained in the hands of people invested in
the primitive. This investment is itself partly an inheritance of colonial discourses
of race, and partly an organic response to the peculiar political and
professional opportunities present in the combination of managerialism and
democracy, in which some people are managed and others demand representation. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none; text-indent: .5in; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 200%;">The
continuing primitive status of the Andamanese has thus become a fundamental aspect
of the insular quality of the Andamans: these are islands in India, and the
Andamanese are islands within Indianness. I cannot emphasize this enough:
insulation produces primitivism, and primitivism is for the dead, not the
living. The Andamanese have become progressively insular, as growing numbers of
Indians have become infected by the primitivist vision of the state-affiliated
managers of the tribal population. So whereas tribals on the mainland have lost
their status as objects of ethnography, the Andamanese have become reified in
their ethnographic condition. Middle-class, urban Indians no longer fantasize
about going into the jungle to see Santals, although there was a historical and
cultural moment when they did – I’m thinking of Satyajit Ray’s film <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Aranyer Din Ratri</i>. I don’t think it’s
stretching it too far to say that this is partly because eastern Bihar, where
modern Bengalis used to go to see tribals, is now a tribal state, with a tribal
chief minister. It’s become a part of the prosaic mainland of Indian politics. Instead,
Indians now want to go on safaris in the Jarawa reserve, to see the last
primitives in the national zoo.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none; text-indent: .5in; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 200%;">Obviously,
the Adivasi politics of the mainland did not take hold in the Andamans, and this
failure has come at great cost to the Andamanese, who have been consigned to a
protected innocence – life without politics – that deprives them of agency,
representation and life itself. And enforced primitiveness will continue to
fail as a policy, because the modern genie cannot be put back in the bottle: we
cannot undo the history of the past two hundred and twenty years. We cannot
even close the Andaman Trunk Road. And frankly, I am not convinced that the ATR
<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">should </i>be closed. It is the
historical norm that people will move about and interact, even if the
interaction is not on equal terms. It is segregation that is coercive and extraordinary,
and it doesn’t work.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none; text-indent: .5in; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 200%;">So
the question is, what would work? To begin to answer that question, we have to decide
what ‘work’ means in this context. If it means clinging to a romantic
preservationism, i.e., fetishizing an inflexible, anti-historical idea of what
it means to be an aborigine, then that work will amount to little more than
liberal hand-wringing. It will be an extended funeral, not only for people, but
for an unsustainable ideal of racial and cultural purity. It will mean making
films about the dying in anticipation of their death, and I think film-makers
who work on the Andamanese must think very carefully about why they are making
their films. Are they documenting a way of life, or a way of death?</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none; text-indent: .5in; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 200%;">For
the answer to be ‘life,’ ‘work’ will have to mean a form of assimilationism. You
cannot live in a modern state and reject assimilation altogether without
placing yourself at a terrible disadvantage. It is only the assimilated who can
resist effectively, and who can re-articulate their identity. But
assimilationism can mean many things. It can mean, for instance, the total
deregulation of contact. I don’t think we can really predict what would happen
under those circumstances: it is possible that the Andamanese would quickly
lose their land and be absorbed into a laboring underclass. Would this be a bad
thing? Well, yes, in the sense that economic exploitation is a bad thing, but
the exploitation of the Jarawa would not be a worse thing than the exploitation
of the Santal, or of the non-tribal poor, for that matter. If we assume that it
would be a bigger tragedy, we fall into the primitivist trap, and take the
Andamanese with us.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none; text-indent: .5in; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 200%;">But
total deregulation is not the only available form of assimilationism. The most
reasonable approach, I think, would be a minimalist one that protects the tribal
reserve, guaranteeing the exclusive ownership of its land to the tribal group.
But what the members of the tribe do on that land should be absolutely up to
them. If they want to meet tourists or filmmakers, that should be their
business. If they want to leave, return, start a business, marry a Tamil, or
download pornography on their phones, that should be their business. Beyond
ensuring their ownership of the reserve, the state and civil society
organizations should make certain options available to them: schools,
dispensaries, access to the economy in the form of jobs and micro-finance,
access to the courts, access to information, voting rights, the ability to
travel, the ability to become unrecognizable to those who are invested in the
primitive. Information must be a two-way flow, not only must we learn about the
tribes, but the tribes must know what options are available to them through the
Indian state and society. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 200%;"><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>By way of an ideological framework,
I want to mention something Partha Chatterjee once wrote about the Muslim Civil Code. The individual member of the minority group, he wrote, must have
the option of functioning as a generic rights-bearing citizen, without giving
up his or her minority identity. The state must protect both options: the
generic as well as the particular. It might be argued that the Jarawa and Onge
are not like Muslims or even Adivasis, that they are extraordinarily vulnerable.
But this perception of extraordinariness is the problem. The so-called
primitive groups have to be allowed to be ordinary. It is ordinariness that
must be facilitated by well-wishers of the Andamanese: ordinary resources,
ordinary identities, ordinary constitutional status. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 200%;">This
facilitation need not be an abstract or exotic concept. It can follow the
standard model of Indian federalism, in which there is no contradiction between
a particular identity (like being Bengali) and the generic identity (being
Indian). The state can take unremarkable, practical steps to make this
possible, such as teaching Andamanese languages in the local schools in
addition to Hindi and English, teaching the history of the islands in addition
to Indian history, employing the Andamanese as teachers, and ensuring ST quotas
in employment and education.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 200%;"><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>Whether we like it or not,
primitives – by definition – live in the modern world, subject to relations of
unequal power. Whether we like it or not, our perceptions and policies impact
upon them, and have already impacted upon them. The urge to insulate them from
the world, or to place them under the guardianship of a few wise brown parents
who are entirely fallible, is a part of that unequal power, and as much a form
of objectification as any colonial art, scholarship or governance. It prevents them from responding to the impact of modernity, and
perpetuates the injustices of their situation. The only effective defense of
the primitives we wish to protect lies in giving them the means of
understanding <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">our</i> understanding of
primitiveness, giving them access to <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">our</i>
means of power. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
<br /></div>
</div>
Satadru Senhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/01130077806377387996noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6906155419903605634.post-34970711962632582832014-12-07T17:55:00.003-05:002015-05-05T08:13:46.461-04:00A Savage Among the Anthropologists<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjZY0fju3A42t3JSxtff9Ab0QKb7MBOmIdGuNF-EpL9NPgOZN3kjzTBypETs6ZLsh9VsK-wH8bQLJip77BbNaZ_G95NkgKnRhccmMOoOOHzdpNShevpY4JXMEDXpx4M2t0vDRZuudQy7pEo/s1600/IMGP7341.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="211" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjZY0fju3A42t3JSxtff9Ab0QKb7MBOmIdGuNF-EpL9NPgOZN3kjzTBypETs6ZLsh9VsK-wH8bQLJip77BbNaZ_G95NkgKnRhccmMOoOOHzdpNShevpY4JXMEDXpx4M2t0vDRZuudQy7pEo/s1600/IMGP7341.jpg" width="320" /></a></div>
<div style="text-align: center;">
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<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br />
Last week I participated in a conference that was exhilarating as well as
profoundly demoralizing. It was held in Port Blair, the capital of the Andaman
and Nicobar Islands. The picturesque former penal colony in the Bay
of Bengal is now a terrain contested between the remnants of aboriginal
tribes like the Jarawa and the Onge, and a growing population of settlers from
the Indian mainland. The point of the gathering was to discuss the future of
the aborigines.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
I have studied the history of the
Andamans for many years, but this was my first conference on the Andamans <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">in </i>the Andamans. So there we were for
two days, packed into a crowded hall, a motley collection of
anthropologists, historians, activists, local politicians, bureaucrats and even
a general (the Lieutenant Governor of the islands). There was the kindly, thoughtful,
former director of the Anthropological Survey of India, along with a contingent from the current AnSI. There was Charles
Darwin’s great-great-grandson, albeit in his capacity as an anthropologist
convinced that capitalism will soon collapse. There was a retired IAS officer,
also a trained anthropologist, with the look and manner of a mad Tantrik. There
was an activist who, in the spirit of full disclosure, had written about her
excitement when a naked Jarawa man felt her breasts in the jungle (supposedly it’s the Jarawa way of confirming that clothed women are in fact female, but it could also be that most men are fourteen-year-old boys at heart),
but who wanted to complain about the new Jarawa habit of downloading
pornography on their cell phones. There were journalists and television
cameras. There were, of course, no Andamanese present at this meeting about
their future, except for a Great Andamanese woman who silently served tea to
the participants before disappearing. (There was a Nicobarese activist and an anthropologist,
but the Nicobarese are not black-skinned and are excused from having to be ‘primitive’
all the time.) </div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
Such a gathering would have been
unthinkable at a conference in America, where the divide between the academic
and non-academic worlds is rarely breached in practice, and academic gatherings
are staid, polite and ritualistic. But in Port Blair, there were sharp clashes
of actual interests and not just veiled egos: the bureaucrats resented the
activists, the academic anthropologists resented the government types, the
settler-politicians resented the bleeding-heart defenders of aborigines,
the general resented the civilians, and nobody liked the historians. People
shouted angrily, interrupted speakers in mid-presentation, tried to grab the
microphone, burst into tears, refused to leave the podium, inserted themselves
into panels without warning (one panel ended up having eleven presentations), and stormed out. Terrible drivel was punctuated by
informative presentations. And although I too stormed out at one point (only to
be placated and return like a prima donna), there was something politically
alive about the whole thing: a sense of real stakes. </div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
By the end of the conference, intensity had turned into disgust. The absence of the Andamanese from the
conference, except to serve tea to middle-class citizens who loved
hunter-gatherers but had no intention of doing much hunting or gathering, had
become both literal and a metaphor of Indian democracy. In the place of aborigines
and their views, was the verbiage of the civilized: administrators of
‘primitive tribes’ who wanted to deflect criticism, settlers who wanted access
to the tribal reserve, activists who were thoroughly invested in their
self-appointed guardianship of the primitives. The Tantrik
administrator-anthropologist declared without embarrassment or irony that Onges
and Jarawas should be encouraged by their government-affiliated minders to work
for provisions, but only to preserve their self-esteem; they
must not be paid monetary wages under any circumstances. Money, like politics, porn
and self-representation, would be the apple in paradise.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
The administrators and settlers
were easy to understand, even when they suggested that aborigines be removed
from Great Andaman and concentrated on one small island. The settlers, in
particular, were straightforwardly and rationally self-interested, and there
was a logic to their argument that the concerns of more than a hundred thousand
tax-paying, vote-casting members of the public outweighed those of six hundred
aborigines. It was the activists who were the revelation and the source of the
disgust, because they did not <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">appear</i>
to be reactionary. They were, for the most part, English-speaking, college-educated
and middle-class, and they included that famous archetype of the Indian leftie:
JNU faculty. Yet the prospect of aborigines as fellow-citizens sat poorly with them.
They were far more comfortable with the idea of ‘primitive tribes’ as children,
whose lives would be simultaneously ‘protected’ and controlled by their enlightened
well-wishers. </div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
It was as if the Protectors of
Aborigines in nineteenth-century Australia had been reborn as a less exalted horde
of Indian journalists, novelists and professors. Or rather, it was as if the
debates on race, rights and citizenship that have driven the politics of
aboriginality in other democracies – Australia, the United States – since the
Second World War had never happened. And indeed, because they had not happened
in India, we were left with an activist posture that was inseparable from
racist and colonialist imaginations, in which race is biologically inherent,
identity is beyond politics, some people are trustees, and others are held in
trust. In this perspective, the ‘primitiveness’ and ‘vulnerability’ of <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>some people so defines who they are that if
they were no longer primitive and vulnerable, they would no longer be people at
all. So they must be ‘protected’ from change at all costs, protected from
contact with outsiders, protected from information and pornography, and
protected also from adaptation to the modern world of politics, money and
rights, because adaptation suggests agency, which children cannot possess. They
must be insulated in a bubble of jungle as a middle-class fantasy of
pre-capitalist purity and innocence, cocooned in somebody else’s hope that
capitalist society would not find them out. And because that hope is known to
be false, and the insulated are a sort of living dead, the whole enterprise is
shrouded in a vocabulary of imminent extinction and a sentimental, masochistic
anguish that allows activists to weep at the podium.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
I gave a <a href="http://satadru-sen.blogspot.com/2014/12/beyond-settler-colonial-paradigm.html" target="_blank">mildly acidic talk</a> that
was greeted with consternation, archly disapproving remarks
about ‘provocative’ ideas, and one woman announcing that she disagreed so comprehensively that she didn’t
know where to begin objecting. The administrators and settlers were less
disapproving, which I found more disturbing. But with progressives like these
activists, reactionaries are redundant. Near the end of the conference, the
principal organizer of the conference asked me to make some closing remarks that included policy
recommendations. I was surprised, but obscure historians rarely get the chance
to talk policy before a panel of senior administrators and I was happy to
accept the invitation. So I hurriedly wrote a few words and went back to the
podium. The audience this time was more openly hostile, and in the middle of my
talk a few of them (including the activist who had been groped by
the Jarawa) sprang to their feet and began objecting vehemently, having taken
issue, no doubt, with my suggestion that the Jarawa be allowed to watch porn.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The Lieutenant Governor had to intervene
before I could continue. He also remarked that he would have preferred a
conference organized ‘along Army lines.’</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
Small animated huddles developed
when it was over. The English and Germans in the audience stood sympathetically
over me, expressing their shock at what had happened: they had never seen
anything like it. One of the JNU professors overheard them and offered, ‘People
were outraged.’ For a moment I thought she meant that people had been outraged
by the disruption; then I realized that she meant the disrupters
had been justifiably outraged by my remarks. At that moment, I realized how
profoundly out of step I was with both the left and the right wings of Indian
democracy, and I needed very badly to skip the formal dinner and go drinking
with the white folks.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
The funny part of the episode is
that nothing I said would be controversial in, say, North America or Australia.
Here is the text of my recommendations to the Lieutenant Governor. </div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
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<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: center;">
<u><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 150%;">“Thinking Futures: The PVTGs of the
Andaman & Nicobar Islands”</span></u></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: center;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;">(Conference in Port Blair, December
4-5, 2014)</span></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: center;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">Policy
Recommendations for the Office of the Lieutenant Governor</span></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: center;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">Satadru Sen</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">Preface</span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<br />
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">In the
Constituent Assembly of India, Pandit Nehru, Dr. Ambedkar and their colleagues
took the remarkable step of establishing suffrage without qualifications in a
nation made up largely of illiterate, impoverished peasants and tribals. In
doing so, they rejected the common colonial claim that most Indians were ‘not
yet fit’ for democracy, and declared that all human adults are capable of
functioning as citizens. They made no exception for hunter-gatherers or nomads.
They assumed, liberally and boldly, that all citizens – even the most humble
and ‘backward’ – can recognize their political interests, deal with the state
on their own behalf, and participate in the functioning of the state. That
assumption has not always worked perfectly, but it is nevertheless the
ideological and moral basis of the Indian state.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<br />
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">Nehru and
Ambedkar also understood that not all sections of society are equally strong,
and that the state must assist and defend the weaker sections. But they saw no
inconsistency between the protective state and the democratic state of universal
adult suffrage. They suggested that the two concepts were mutually dependent:
democracy must protect the weak, but the weak must have all the rights of
citizenship in order for democracy to exist. This too is a foundation of the
Republic of India.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<br />
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">Organized into the categories of "Rights, Representation and Information," "Education" and "Economy," the
proposals put forward here are aimed at reconciling the ‘vulnerable’ condition
of the Andamanese tribes with their status as Indian citizens, and to ensure
that citizenship provides them with the same benefits and protections that
other Indians expect for themselves.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">RIGHTS, REPRESENTATION AND INFORMATION</span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<br />
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">Goals: To
ensure to tribals their democratic and legal rights, and to provide them with
information that would enable them to function as full citizens, while ensuring
their dignity and protecting their identities as members of small tribal
groups. The objective is neither to segregate the tribes from the mainstream,
nor to deny the facts of their disadvantage and suddenly remove all
protections. Accordingly, the objective of specific proposals I am making is to
facilitate the tribals’ interaction with the mainstream on terms over which
they – the tribals – have substantial control. Also, it is to revise the legal
basis of tribal identity in a way that makes it possible for the tribes to grow
and thrive. Most importantly, it is to create an administrative posture that
treats the tribals as adults, not children.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<br />
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">Proposals:</span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpFirst" style="line-height: 150%; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">
<br />
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">1.<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";"> </span></span></span><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">Exclusive
tribal rights to the land of the tribal reserve must be protected.</span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: 150%; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">
<br />
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">2.<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";"> </span></span></span><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">Within the
reserve, there should be no special interference by the administration or AAJVS
in the day-to-day lives of tribals: no attempts to regulate their moral lives
or contacts with outsiders, no externally imposed restrictions on drinking,
smoking, watching pornography, and so on.</span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: 150%; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">
<br />
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">3.<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";"> </span></span></span><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">Tribal councils
should be formed as soon as possible for the Jarawa and Onge. These councils
(drawing upon tribal traditions of self-government whenever these are available),
should be elected by members of the tribe to represent the tribes. These
councils should be trained by the administration to gradually take over the
management of tribal finances, and to conduct basic intra-tribal governance in
a way that is consistent with the Indian Constitution. A similar council should
be formed for the Great Andamanese when their population reaches 100, and for
the Sentinelese if and when they give up their isolation.</span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: 150%; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">
<br />
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">4.<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";"> </span></span></span><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">The issue
of the ATR should be determined by the Jarawa themselves, either through the
tribal council or through a referendum. We must not assume that the Jarawa want
the road to be closed; nor should we make that determination for them. For all
we know, they might want to keep the road open and collect a toll. Giving them
the final say over the road would be consistent with the principle of tribal
control over the territory of the reserve. </span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: 150%; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">
<br />
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">5.<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";"> </span></span></span><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">A broader
legal framework of tribal identity should be created, either nationally or
locally. Women who marry non-tribal men should retain their tribal status.
Children born of such unions (and all unions, marital or extra-marital) between
tribal women and non-tribal men, as well as between tribal men and non-tribal
women, should have tribal status, as should the children of those who are of
‘mixed’ race. There must be no insistence on ‘purity.’ This would bring
administration in the islands in line with aboriginal policy in other
democracies, such as Australia, New Zealand, the United States and Canada.</span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: 150%; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">
<br />
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">6.<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";"> </span></span></span><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">The
administration should ensure that there is no barrier or discouragement
(formal or informal) to marriage between tribals and non-tribals, or between
people from different tribal groups.</span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: 150%; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">
<br />
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">7.<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";"> </span></span></span><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">Social
workers affiliated with the administration, ANTRI or AAJVS should be trained to
provide tribals with information about their legal rights, constitutional
rights, and the functioning of the court system. Social workers should also
provide tribals with information about basic money-management, banking and
access to credit.</span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: 150%; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">
<br />
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">8.<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";"> </span></span></span><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">There
should be no restrictions on the employment of tribals outside the reserve,
anywhere in the A&N islands. Tribal employees who believe that they are
being subjected to exploitative, abusive or illegal working conditions should
have a readily accessible forum where they can file a complaint. That forum can
be provided by the administration, ANTRI or AAJVS. It should be able to
intervene quickly to resolve the situation, and to initiate police action if
necessary.</span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: 150%; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">
<br />
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">9.<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";"> </span></span></span><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">A similar
forum should be maintained for complaints against abuse by the police.</span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: 150%; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">
<br />
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">10.<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";"> </span></span></span><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">There
should be no restrictions on the movement of tribals, within the islands and
beyond.</span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: 150%; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">
<br />
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">11.<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";"> </span></span></span><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">The right
to vote must be ensured for members of tribal groups. The administration should
take steps to provide voting cards, and to educate tribals about voting.</span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpLast" style="line-height: 150%; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">
<br />
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">12.<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";"> </span></span></span><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">The status
and rights of Scheduled Tribes should be ensured for the Andamanese tribes, in
education, employment and political representation.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: .25in; text-align: justify; text-indent: .25in;">
<br />
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">EDUCATION</span></b><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;"></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpFirst" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<br />
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">Goals: To
create in the islands a cultural and educational climate that is inclusive
rather than exclusive, which is attractive and meaningful to tribal children
and parents, and in which tribals and non-tribals can all participate and
benefit. The objective is to give shape to tribal identities that fit
comfortably with Indian society and produce genuine opportunities for economic
mobility, and at the same time, to ensure that non-tribal Indians living in the
islands are familiar and comfortable with the culture of the tribes.</span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">Proposals:</span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: 150%; mso-list: l2 level1 lfo2; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">1.<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";"> </span></span></span><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">Andamanese
languages such as Jarawa and Onge should be taught in the schools of the
A&N Islands, in addition to Hindi and English. All children, tribal as well
as non-tribal, should learn one tribal language. The administration need not
insist that Jarawa children will learn Jarawa, Onge children will learn Onge,
and so on. Any child should be free to learn any tribal language that is
offered at his or her school. The objective should be to make all children in
the islands familiar with a broadly conceived tribal culture, rather than lock
them into closed and rigid identities. This will also allow for the protection
of tribal languages within the established national policy of the Three
Language Formula.</span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: 150%; mso-list: l2 level1 lfo2; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">
<br />
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">2.<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";"> </span></span></span><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">Tribals
should be employed in the schools as language teachers, on the same salary
scale and with the same benefits as other teachers.</span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: 150%; mso-list: l2 level1 lfo2; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">
<br />
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">3.<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";"> </span></span></span><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">The history
of the islands, with an emphasis on the history of the tribes, should be taught
to all children (tribal and non-tribal) in the schools, in addition to the
standard curriculum of Indian history.</span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: 150%; mso-list: l2 level1 lfo2; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">
<br />
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">4.<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";"> </span></span></span><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">The
curriculum of the island schools should be broadly revised in a way that is
sensitive to tribal culture, and that makes education directly relevant to the
lives of the children. It is not that tribal children should not learn about
Helen Keller and the American space program, but that this material should be
balanced by topics closer to their home. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Teachers should be trained to teach this
revised curriculum, and tribals recruited as teachers whenever possible. New
textbooks should be created in consultation with ANTRI and made available to
the schools. This restructured curriculum should be taught to <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">all </i>students, and not just tribal
children.</span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: 150%; mso-list: l2 level1 lfo2; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">
<br />
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">5.<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";"> </span></span></span><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">In teacher
training as well as curricular development, ANTRI should liaise with
institutions on the mainland, and initiate exchange programs for visiting
instructors and trainees, so that experience and innovations can be shared
widely and effectively. </span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: 150%; mso-list: l2 level1 lfo2; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">
<br />
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">6.<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";"> </span></span></span><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">There should
be no segregation of tribal and non-tribal children in the schools outside the
reserve. Tribal children should be able to attend the same schools that
non-tribal children attend.</span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: 150%; mso-list: l2 level1 lfo2; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">
<br />
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">7.<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";"> </span></span></span><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">School
enrollment should be mandatory. A special school should be established within
the Jarawa reserve, and administered in close coordination with the Jarawa
community. The curriculum should cover what is important to the Jarawa, without
ignoring the general curriculum. Here as well as in schools outside the
reserve, promising tribal students should be identified early, advised about
further educational opportunities, and provided with the guidance of mentors
affiliated with ANTRI.</span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: 150%; mso-list: l2 level1 lfo2; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">
<br />
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">8.<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";"> </span></span></span><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">Computer
literacy for tribal children should be a priority of the schools. Children
should be given easy access to computers at the schools, and loans of tablet
PCs if that is found practical. The Internet should be easily accessible from
the reserve.</span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">ECONOMY</span></b></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">Goals: To
equip tribals to engage the market on their own terms as far as possible, to minimize
their disadvantages, and to allow them to benefit from their existing and
potential resources. Economic policy should begin with an acknowledgment that
tribal societies are unlikely to remain unaffected by the wider economy and
media. ‘Traditional’ pursuits like hunting and gathering and subsistence
fishing may become inadequate and unappealing to tribals themselves; there are
signs that this has already happened to some extent. Economic alternatives
should be structured in ways that allow the tribes to maintain control of their
resources.</span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">Proposals:</span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: .75in; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l1 level1 lfo3; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">1.<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";"> </span></span></span><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">Individual
tribals who wish to set up business ventures, both within the reserve and
outside, should be able to do so, subject to regulations and restrictions drawn
up by the tribes themselves.</span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: .75in; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l1 level1 lfo3; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">
<br />
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">2.<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";"> </span></span></span><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">Tribes should
be encouraged and assisted in collective initiatives for selling reserve
products and services to outsiders, subject to regulations and restrictions
drawn up by the tribes themselves. Fish and crabs, which are currently harvested
and sold illicitly and cheaply by tribals to non-tribal buyers, should be
brought into a legal, regulated system of prices and transactions.</span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: .75in; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l1 level1 lfo3; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">
<br />
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">3.<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";"> </span></span></span><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">Tribes
should receive a percentage of the proceeds from the sale of merchandise
directly related to tribal culture (such as dolls, masks, performances, etc.). </span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpLast" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: .75in; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l1 level1 lfo3; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">
<br />
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">4.<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";"> </span></span></span><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">A financial
institution should be established for the tribes, to coordinate small savings,
the investment of tribal funds and the provision of credit.</span></div>
<br /></div>
Satadru Senhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/01130077806377387996noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6906155419903605634.post-73126521488507374322014-09-29T22:01:00.000-04:002014-11-02T07:16:31.286-05:00Ethnocracy, Israel and India<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<![endif]-->Following the triumph of the BJP
in the last Indian election, it is appropriate to revisit ‘Hindu rashtra’ in
its various manifestations: a trope, a place and a relationship between the
nation and the state. This need not mean reopening the familiar trajectory of
Indian politics since the 1980s. Such investigations are not exhausted, but
they no longer break new ground. It is more rewarding, I think, to look
comparatively at the concept of India as ‘Hindu rashtra,’ and the most
productive point of comparison is the ‘Jewish state’ of Israel. Whereas Israel
has featured in recent studies of Pakistani ideology, most notably by Faisal Devji,
remarkably little has been essayed in the direction of India: remarkable not
only because of the close relations between Israel and India since the 1993
Oslo accord between Israel and the PLO, but also because the two countries
reflect forms of majoritarianism that are both different and strikingly
similar. In the similarities and differences lie the possibilities of justice,
peace and democracy, and the fates of ‘minorities’: Palestinians in Israel, and
Indian Muslims.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
That deployment of terminology is
not innocent, since ‘Palestinian in Israel’ and ‘Indian Muslim’ suggest
significantly different modes of minority identity, and different constructions
of the democratic community of the state. Moreover, there are major – although
not overwhelming – differences between how Israeli and Indian national
narratives have dealt with the what might be considered the visibility of
information, which is fundamental to the ability of a minority group to exist
within the framework of democracy. Nevertheless, if one takes into account the <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">practices</i> of inter-community and
community-state relations in India and Israel, the presumption of difference,
which might be comforting to secular nationalists in India, begins to wear
thin. We are forced then to ask how Indian nationhood can ‘work’ for minorities,
and whether the contradictions between ethnic monopoly and democracy that are
inescapable in Israel can be escaped in India.</div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<br /></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;">The Zionist Model</b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
The structure of the Israeli
state, Nadim Rouhana has persuasively argued, rests upon three pillars: the
democratic nature of the state, its ‘Jewish character,’ and its obsession with
security. The second and third, Rouhana shows, severely complicate the first,
making it nearly impossible, for instance, for Israel to create a constitution
that might protect the rights of all its citizens. But the notion of a ‘Jewish
state’ is by no means straightforward. It does not mean a binational state,
since Palestinians in Israel are not recognized as a national group that has a
claim upon the state. It could mean a theocracy; it does not. Zionism was a
secular ideology and Israel remains for the most part a secular state, although
religious parties have become a major influence upon successive governments. It
could mean a Jewish-majority state that is only incidentally predisposed
towards Jewish cultural markers like holidays and historical references; it
does not. It could mean a state that claims (and is claimed by) all Jews
everywhere and gives them an automatic right to citizenship, but that belongs
also to its non-Jewish citizens; again, it does not. There exists in Israel a
consensus that the state belongs to Jews alone, and that non-Jews cannot have a
say in determining its priorities, objectives and ‘character’ even if they are
citizens. Citizenship for Palestinians in Israel is thus limited to very specific
forums: they can vote, claim the protection of the courts and even enter the
Knesset (parliament), as long as these do not threaten exclusively Jewish
ownership and control of the state. </div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
That arrangement, in which one ethnic
group has exclusive control over a state in spite of (or rather, because of)
the presence of other ethnic groups, is what Oren Yiftachel and As’ad Ghanem
called ethnocracy. In their theory of the
ethnocratic state, Ghanem and Yiftachel suggested that the concept provides a
way around the binary of ‘democratic’ and ‘non-democratic’ states, making it
possible to account for the Israeli situation, in which a commitment to formal
democracy coincides with the determination of a closed ethnic group to use the
state to protect and expand its exclusive claim upon a territory. Successive
Israeli governments, they pointed out, have openly pursued policies of
‘Judaizing’ a land that would otherwise be ‘Arab,’ using tactics that range
from ethnic cleansing, expropriation of land, the renaming of places and the
promotion of Jewish settlements to discrimination and segregation in law,
education, living space and social services. </div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
The process has not been unilinear.
The 1948 war saw the expulsion of the bulk of the native population from eighty
percent of Mandatory Palestine, the prevention of their return and the seizure
of their lands. Some of that land was settled quickly by the same troops that
carried out the ethnic cleansing, the rest came under the control of state and
quasi-state agencies, earmarked exclusively for sale to Jews, or turned into
state parks or forests. But restrictions on the Palestinians’ ability to move about
and communicate freely were relaxed when martial law (which applied only to
them) was lifted in 1966, and the expropriation of their land (especially in
the Galilee, where the concentration of Palestinians was relatively high) slowed
appreciably after the Day of the Land protests of 1976. As if to compensate,
old Mandate-era laws of repression were retained, land-appropriation and
segregated settlement were accelerated in the West Bank and East Jerusalem, and
the politics of exclusive ethnic control came to encompass much larger
populations of Jews (following the wave of immigration from the former Soviet
Union in the 1990s) and Palestinians (in the occupied territories). Without
significant checks, the ethnocratic state thus becomes more ethnocratic,
compounding the problem of ‘what to do’ with the excluded population. The
identity of the dominant/included ethnicity, meanwhile, becomes progressively
intertwined with the state and its structures of discrimination.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
When apologists for Israel are
confronted with the charge of ethnocracy, or rather, with the charge that
ethnocracy is incompatible with democracy, they tend to offer two broad
responses. One is a form of denial, in which it is emphasized that Israel is a
democracy. Arabs in Israel are, in this narrative, citizens of a democratic state,
and that renders moot questions of inequality and discrimination, and of
‘belonging’ in citizenship. The other, more thoughtful, response is the
acknowledgment of an ideological dissonance, the expressed confidence that the
difficulty can be managed politically, and often, the implication that such
problems exist in many or most multi-ethnic nation-states.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The second response can itself be viewed as a
deployment of two opposed discourses: one, in which Israel is exceptional but
capable of ‘managing’ that exceptionality, and another, in which there is no
exception: ‘the Jews’ have a right to control their national destiny in their
nation-state just as ‘the French’ or ‘the English’ do in theirs, and the
problems faced by ‘Arabs’ or ‘Palestinians’ in Israel are no more unusual or
intractable than those of minorities in France or England.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
Since the first response (denial)
is transparently unsustainable within the Israeli consensus on what constitutes
a ‘Jewish state,’ let us look more closely at the second. On the face of it,
the French, English or German parallels appear to make sense. There are,
however, several problems with the analogy. One is that when we talk about
ethnic tensions in Western European countries, we are talking primarily about
anti-immigrant racism. Without taking anything away from the seriousness of
such racism, it might be conceded that it is one thing to bar immigrants from
full membership in the nation-state for a limited period of time, and another
thing altogether when the indigenous population is treated like immigrants by a
regime of immigrants. Even in settler-colonial democracies like the United
States and Australia (not to mention South Africa), with their histories of extreme
racial violence and dispossession, a legal, political and popular consensus has
evolved after the Second World War to include the indigenous population in the
community of the state.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
The second problem with the
‘everybody does it’ argument is that it ignores the dramatic, although not
complete, shift in the nature of ethnicity in western-European countries since
the 1970s. Outside the far right, there is considerable agreement that the children
of Indian, Turkish, Algerian and Indonesian immigrants can be regarded as
English, German, French or Dutch; even a supra-ethnic category like ‘British’
is no longer needed to accommodate what, until recently, was simply a ‘Paki.’ For
there to be an equivalent to the Israeli insistence that the state belongs to ‘the
Jewish people’ rather than to its citizens, England would have to belong to the
‘Anglo-Saxon people,’ and Germany to ‘the Aryan people,’ which few would find
desirable after the Second World War. This is not to say that European race
problems have been ‘solved,’ or to be blind to neo-fascist phenomena like the
Le Pen constituency in France and the BNP in the UK, let alone Golden Dawn in
Greece, but west of the old Yugoslavia there is now an inclusive discourse of ethnicity
that is at least publicly hegemonic, and that has supplanted the ‘Gastarbeiter’
model, in which foreigners will live and work in a country for generations and
remain foreign.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
Accompanied, not coincidentally,
by the maturing of the EU, that shift informs what might be considered the
partial recovery of a pre-Great-War model of the liberal European state, in
which ethnicity remained subordinate to citizenship. That subordination was
never as ironclad as Hannah Arendt – glossing over the limits imposed on
liberalism by the nineteenth-century fetish of whiteness – made it out to be in
her study of the roots of totalitarianism. But as the fetish has lost some of
its public power, it has become possible to rethink European ethnicities, and
in a parallel maneuver, to reaffirm the supremacy of citizenship over
ethnicity. In the process, not only has nationhood been anchored firmly in the
state and the community of citizens (and not in ethnic groups within the
state), it has become impossible to regard the privileging of ethnicity over
citizenship as anything other than aberrant, even fascist. Yet in Israel, where
the Zionism of the founding generation took its cues from the militant
‘sub-nationalities’ of the era of the Great War and its aftermath, the supremacy
of the nation over the state has remained normative, relegating some citizens to
a status inferior to that of non-citizens who are nevertheless members of the
(Jewish) nation. It has placed the state as an instrument primarily in the
hands of the nation, and only secondarily in those of the citizen: an
arrangement that is not accepted as democratic in any other part of the modern
world, with the partial exception of Pakistan.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
The third problem has to do with
the idea of ‘managing’ a problem politically. If management means negotiation,
then that is indeed a normal part of the politics of a democratic state. If,
however, the political participation of the problem community is already
limited by their exclusion from key policy-making organs, then management becomes
less like negotiation and more like governmentality combined with the use of force
and manipulation of information, i.e., violence and propaganda. This
coercive-manipulative meaning of ‘management,’ it should be noted, fits both
the ‘exceptional’ and ‘unexceptional’ models of the Israeli state, since in the
first instance it carries the insistence that Israel has a special license to
‘manage’ that derives from the unique history of the Jewish people, and in the
second instance, the presumption that ‘everybody does it.’</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
Since it can be shown without
great difficult that not everybody ‘does it,’ it is the discourse of
exceptionalism that has generally been more central to the justification of
Israeli ethnocracy. In this discourse, the Holocaust is described as being both
unprecedented, and a link in a long historical continuum of ant-Semitism. The
‘unprecedented’ (i.e., unique) dynamic generates the exception, placing the
Nazis <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">and</i> their Jewish victims beyond
the circle of history, its norms and judgments, in a quasi-religious minefield
of sacrilege where comparison is blasphemy. The dynamic of a continuum extends
the exception into the future, producing the permanent ‘existential threat’
that justifies Israeli actions autonomously of any rational assessment of
political and military realities. It is, however, mainly through comparison –
through emphasizing the <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">ordinariness </i>of
racism and the urge to make ethnic groups disappear, and the interconnectedness
of discourses and practices – that we can demystify the Holocaust and its
continuing aftermath, returning both Germany and Israel to the history of the
modern state, its organization of power and its relationship with ethnicity, in
which India, the United States, postwar Europe and the old colonial powers are
also located and implicated.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
To grasp the impact of ethnocracy
on the excluded, it is useful to look at Patrick Wolfe’s brilliant work on the
nature of settler-colonialism. Beginning in Australia, Wolfe extended the scope
of his <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>analysis to South Africa and
Israel, comparing the relationships in each place between settlers, natives and
the state. In the process, he re-examined the common (and for Zionists,
scurrilous) comparisons made by critics of Israel between the Israeli treatment
of Palestinians and apartheid in South Africa. The Israeli situation shares
with other settler-colonialisms what Wolfe described as the superfluity of the
native: the indigenous population has no place in the scheme of things. Wolfe
rejected the parallel with apartheid, but for reasons that are quite different
from those offered by Zionist apologia. In South Africa, he pointed out, the
dominant/settler community preserved a substantial ideological, economic and
even geographic space – a need – for the dominated/natives. In Israel and the
occupied territories, there is no corresponding need and space for
Palestinians, who exist largely to be wished into invisibility or oblivion.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
One can find fault with Wolfe’s assertion
of superfluity. In settler-colonialism, it might be argued, the native retains
a vital importance as a racial sign: even when indigenes have mostly been
killed off, as in Australia and North America, they continue to function as a
boundary of the settler’s own identity, and as a justification of colonization.
There can be little doubt that ‘the Arab’ in Israel and its neighborhood was
assigned those roles in a recognizably Orientalist colonial enterprise: not
only was Israeli policy informed by a cadre of ‘Arab experts’ (i.e., white
experts on Arabs), the Arab world was and remains the cultural desert in which –
and against which – Israel has ‘bloomed’ as a garden and outpost of European civilization.
But the idea of superfluity is very useful in understanding a process of
disappearing, in which information and people have both been removed from the
domain of public knowledge. </div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
The most striking part of this
vanishing is the effective redaction of the history of the 1948 war (Israel’s
War of Independence, and the Palestinians’ <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Nakba</i>
or Catastrophe), which saw the Palestinian population subjected to ethnic
cleansing, massacre, rape and dispossession. The suppression of that knowledge –
and its replacement by a spurious popular history peddled by hack novelists
like Leon Uris – is inseparable from the articulated texts of Israeli
self-justification, ranging from the Zionist trope of Palestine as ‘a land
without a people for a people without a land,’ to Golda Meir’s claim that there
is no such thing as a Palestinian (which persists in the Israeli regime’s
insistence on using the generic term ‘Arab’ to refer to its Palestinian
citizens, and refusal to acknowledge that they are a ‘nation,’ like the Jews,
in a binational society). It is inseparable from conversations in academia and
the media in which invisibility itself becomes invisible, such as the liberal and
not especially anti-Palestinian Leon Wieseltier telling Edward Said that not
only did ‘intelligent’ Americans know all about the misfortunes of the
Palestinians, that knowledge had become clichéd. It is inseparable, finally,
from the arbitrary governance, violence and dehumanization with which
Palestinians in Israeli-controlled territories have lived since 1948 with or
without the knowledge of Americans, and with or without the <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">consciousness </i>of Israeli Jews: a reality
that can best be understood as Giorgio Agamben's state of exception, in which the objects of
state power inhabit a ‘camp world’ that is normatively excluded from normalcy.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
Under those circumstances, minority
subjectivity can no longer be reconciled with citizenship. Regarding
Palestinian citizens of Israel, Sammy Smooha complacently noted that they were
becoming ‘Israelized,’ i.e., converging with Jewish citizens in their
perspectives and priorities. As Rouhana has shown, however, those converges are
limited and contextual, lacking any affective identification with the Israeli
state. Palestinian citizens of Israel generally see themselves as
Palestinian-in-Israel, not Israeli or even Palestinian-Israeli; the ‘Jewishness’
of the state has accentuated their Palestinian-ness, limiting their
‘Israeliness’ to purely instrumental transactions with the state. That failure
to identify themselves with the state is, of course, then held against them by
Jewish Israelis as evidence of disloyalty and other civic shortcomings,
although to expect the excluded group to ‘love’ and identify themselves with the
state is clearly unreasonable. It is not uncommon for Israelis to complain that
Palestinian citizens do not serve in the military, and to use that complaint to
justify various forms of discrimination, but the Israeli military does not <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">want </i>to train, equip and deploy
Palestinian soldiers, except those recruited from sub-groups like the Druze and
the Bedouin, and that has not saved the Bedouin in the West Bank and even the
Negev (inside Israel proper) from being subjected to arbitrary controls on
their movement and residence. Under the best of circumstances, ethnocracy
compels even ‘assimilated’ individuals from the ‘wrong’ ethnicity to remain
permanent Gastarbeiters in their own homeland. </div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<br /></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;">Ethnocracy and Right-Wing Thought in India</b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
While the concept of ‘Hindu rashtra’
has its direct roots in the political ideology of V.D. Savarkar and then the
RSS, Hindu majoritarianism, or the idea that a particular ‘community’ has a
special claim on the Indian state and another particular community is the
designated outsider, is both older and more complicated than Hindutva. It also predates
Tilak and the Congress Extremists of the 1890s, among whom we might locate the
beginnings of a modern Indian government. The earlier strands of Hindu
nationalism had room for minorities, and specifically for Muslims; they were,
as such, alternatives to what became the better-known discourses of Indian
nationhood: liberal-secular ideology, the nation-of-communities narrative, Gandhian
Ram-rajya, the Two-Nation Theory, and of course Hindutva.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
The earliest example of a
non-ethnocratic Hindu nationalism can be found in the writings of Bhudeb
Mukhopadhyay, who between the 1860s and 1890s produced a substantial body of fiercely
polemical essays about a crisis of nationhood and society in colonial India. Bhudeb
explicitly identified himself as conservative (<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">rakshansheel</i>), but his was a modern conservatism, informed by
Comte, Darwin and Malthus. A well-connected official in the education
bureaucracy of Bengal, Bhudeb was clear about his own identity as a Brahmin and
his investment in Brahmin privileges and specializations, but he was not the
passive recipient of any precolonial understanding of shastra. He sought,
rather, to reinterpret shastra for the late nineteenth century as the text of restructured
familiality, racial health and national rejuvenation, compensating for the
biological and cultural degeneration that Hindu self-hate and unthinking
mimicry of Europe had apparently brought about. His project was more a
prescription for change than a plea for continuity, progressive in spite of
itself: he showed little interest in the establishment of an independent state,
but his vision of a healthy and confident nationhood was implicitly a
prefiguring of citizenship. </div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
The nation Bhudeb wanted to ‘conserve’
was primarily Hindu and only secondarily Indian, although the two categories
were also interchangeable. When he wrote about the place of Muslims in this
nation and its geography, he proceeded from an assumption of separateness:
culturally and socially, Hindus and Muslims were distinct peoples. The
distinctness, however, was not formulated either as a clear hierarchy, or as a
permanent or even important political reality. Bhudeb had begun his career as a
teacher in the madrasas, and emerged with an open respect for the maulavis who
also taught at those schools. They had impressed him not only as learned
colleagues, but as recognizable members of a shared <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Indian </i>society, whose sensibilities of right and wrong, propriety and
impropriety, wisdom and foolishness, were much closer to those of the
conservative Hindu than those of the Anglophile Hindus he disdained. He was not
untouched by Orientalist histories of Muslim oppression, but he was not locked
into them, preferring to seek out areas of convergence between Hindus and
Muslims. He acknowledged not only the colonial educational milieu that had
drawn pandits and maulavis together, but mutual adjustments of habit brought
about by India itself. Deeply immersed in a reconsideration of the Indian
family, Bhudeb deployed a familial metaphor: Hindus were the natural children
of India, he wrote, but Muslims were her adopted children, and the difference
of origin was less important than the kinship and commonalities that history had
established.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
Thus, unlike his more famous
contemporary Bankim, Bhudeb suggested that it was possible to be a conservative
Hindu and Indian nationalist without being a Muslim-hater, and to make room for
Muslims <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">as Muslims </i>within an Indian
nation. Some of this outlook found its way into the thinking of Benoy Kumar
Sarkar in the next generation of Indian nationalists of the right. Sarkar was,
of course, a very different intellectual from Bhudeb: uninterested in the
conservation of the religious community, unafraid of ‘mimicry,’ contemptuous of
traditional hierarchies, and directly invested in the independent state. He
wrote from the perspective of an anti-communist admirer of
authoritarian-militarist regimes in Europe and Japan, disdainful of the
apparent spinelessness of the Congress. But he shared Bhudeb’s assumption that
Indian nationhood was ‘naturally’ Hindu in its boundaries and content: Hindu
identity was the default position from which the self-liberating Indian
articulated other, negotiated and experimental, identities and political
structures. </div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
In Sarkar’s earliest writings, penned
during the Swadeshi agitation of 1905-11, we can find traces of an anti-Muslim
animus that was part and parcel of militant nationalism in contemporary Bengal.
He gradually left the prejudice behind; by 1922 he was not only defending
Aurangzeb as emperor of all Hindustan, but issuing blistering attacks on those
(like his friend Lajpat Rai and the historian Vincent Smith) who suggested that
Muslims were aliens and oppressors in India. Going further than Bhudeb, Sarkar
argued that what was considered ‘Hindu’ culture would have been impossible
without Muslim contributions, and that all Indians were Hindu-Muslim hybrids.
Between the 1920s and the Second World War, he developed a second polemic: he pragmatically
advanced a construction of Indian nationhood as a partnership between Hindus and
Muslims, and tried hard to be inclusive in his choice of symbols, icons and
even language. When this vision of partnership failed and the country was
partitioned, he became less generous towards Muslims, but even then he refused
to see the truncated state of India as a country for Hindus. </div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
By the time of Sarkar’s death in
1949, however, his vision was obsolete: those who cared to identify themselves <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">politically</i> as Hindu had, by and large,
adopted the exclusionist postures of Savarkar and Golwalkar. Even there, it
should be noted, there is a gradation: whereas Savarkar was willing, albeit
reluctantly, to include within the nation Muslims who Hinduized themselves,
Golwalkar’s more straightforward racism closed the door entirely. On the other
hand, the secularism of the left had closed the space for political
self-identification as Hindu, limiting inclusive nationalism to those who are
easily caricatured as ‘pseudo-secular.’ To be very clear about this point: I do
not suggest that indifference to Hindu identity, or its treatment as a purely
private matter, or the rejection of the deeply flawed Orientalist
historiography of an existential conflict with Muslims – in other words, being
‘pseudo-secular’ – is without value in Indian democracy. A basic problem of the
Indian national narrative is that the left and the right have both tended to
accept the same history of ‘alien oppression,’ in which content that does not
support the narrative of oppression has been systematically buried, and whereas
the left has downplayed religious identity and wanted the nation to ‘move on,’
the right has wanted revenge, and revenge is the more compelling political
motivator in nationalism. Here, even the tactical adoption of Hinduness as
place to begin might provide a better, more pragmatic, position from which to
negotiate inclusion – and secularism – in a nation that has already been so
infused with Hindu content that de-Hinduization, desirable as it may be, is
unlikely to succeed.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
The given realities of Indian
society show both the presence and absence of ethnocracy: India is not Israel,
but it is <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">like </i>Israel in some ways,
both ideological and practical, and it has become more so as Hindutva has
gained legitimacy and electoral ground. The differences are crucial: they
explain, for instance, why the current government, since coming to power, has
done little that might be construed as extraordinarily ‘communal,' and has even
made occasional gestures of inclusive citizenship. While remaining cognizant of
the record of Narendra Modi and the BJP, the rise to national prominence
of a politician like Amit Shah, and the recent violence in Baroda, it is reasonable to say that any party that
appoints M.J. Akbar as its spokesman (and accepts Syed Akbaruddin as the
nation’s spokesman on foreign affairs) is going to be somewhat constrained by
those choices. This is not merely the behavior of pragmatic politicians, it
reflects the operation of a <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">structure </i>of
inclusive citizenship that cannot be discarded without precipitating a
constitutional crisis that only the most radical Sangh activists would
contemplate with equanimity. No part of Indian territory or the state, including
the highest ranks of the military, is closed to Muslims, the cultural and
academic visibility of Muslims remains fairly high, and just as pertinently,
the discourse of Otherness is not racialized like it is in Israel. There is no
tendency to <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">consume</i> the misery of an ‘inferior
species’ as an aesthetic experience, which we saw recently in Israelis who sat
on lawn chairs, beer in hand, to watch the bombing of Gaza. That aesthetic
consumption of murder is not a peculiarly Israeli phenomenon: it is a performative
aspect of whiteness (recall Meursault killing an Arab as a meditative exercise,
or the culture-industry beginning with Conrad in Africa) and the other side of
a better-known coin, on which Europeans consume their avowedly superior morals
and conscience, shedding a tear or two on occasion. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Indians are not there yet.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
In other ways, however, the gap is
small. Hindu emigrants, well-heeled citizens of the United States in particular,
have increasingly followed a model of diasporic nationalism and civic action in
which they, and not Muslim citizens of India, have the stronger claim upon the
Indian state. Meanwhile, in every Indian city, discrimination against Muslims
in housing is endemic, discrimination in employment is not far behind, Muslim
parents worry that their children will be turned away by private schools, and Muslims
are disproportionately the targets of police violence and harassment, which, as
in Israel, is coded as ‘security.’ The last dynamic erodes what would otherwise
be a major difference between ethnocratic tendencies in the two countries,
which is the Israeli insistence – self-serving and insupportable, but axiomatic
to believers – that they have peculiar security concerns because of the Holocaust,
pervasive and permanent anti-Semitism in the world, and the hatred of their
neighbors. Indians may point occasionally to a Chinese threat or a Pakistani
threat, but few would say that the existence of India itself is in jeopardy. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>If, however, the Indian Muslim population is
itself perceived by the majority as a threat to security, then ethnic paranoia
is not so much eschewed as shifted inwards, enabling undemocratic responses by
the state that are not significantly different from those produced by the fear
of external enemies.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
Indeed, an element of
‘existential fear’ is visible in the concerns with racial degeneracy that
surfaced in India between the 1880s and 1930s. Driven by their colonized
condition, British jeers about ‘effeminacy,’ endemic malaria, epidemic cholera
and plague, high infant mortality, and various nineteenth- and early-twentieth century discourses –
Gobineau, Darwin, Galton, Spengler – of a ‘healthy’ population, Hindus as
different as Bhudeb, Harbilas Sarda and G.S. Ghurye worried about being
outcompeted by racial Others and inferiors. But it was only later, in the time
of Golwalkar’s RSS, that this demographic anxiety became focused on Muslims
threatening to outbreed Hindus in their own country. In recent times, that
‘threat’ has merged with the perception of ‘Muslim appeasement’ (i.e.,
Nehruvian secularism) and given us not only the rhetoric of <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Hum panch, hamare panchis</i>, but also the
absurdity of ‘love jihad,’ in which the old trope of the sexually predatory
Muslim male has been dressed up as a new demographic danger with overtones of
terrorism. </div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
There is, in Israel, an almost
identical discourse of ‘their boys’ seducing and converting ‘our girls,’ and
the consequent threat to the dominant ethnic group’s majority status and control
over the state. There are also highly governmentalized disincentives to
intermarriage between Jews and others (there is, for instance, no provision for
civil marriage in Israel) which, to date, have no Indian counterpart. But as if
to compensate for the failure in the bedroom, the Indian state has passed
anti-conversion laws that serve no purpose other than to maintain and highlight
the majority status of a particular ethnic group, which is not in jeopardy by
any reasonable mathematics. Not coincidentally, the Hindu nation and the Jewish
nation are both beset by the fear of the treasonous Self – the ‘pseudo-secular’
Hindu, the ‘self-hating’ Jew – that refuses to acknowledge the legitimacy of
the existential menace, and of the exceptions that menace allows within the ‘normal’
politics of the democratic state. It is worth noting that both allegations of
self-hate were born within older discourses of impotence: the cowardly Jew, the
effeminate Hindu. Ethnocracy is highly gendered: a vision of the community
closed like a fist as a source and a sign of manhood, in which disloyalty is
emasculating.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
It need not be surprising that
Hindu nationalists in the period before the Nazi ascendency almost universally
admired Jews, seeing them not only as a race that had preserved its identity
through great adversities (dispersal, discrimination, persecution, minority
status everywhere), but also as people who had embarked upon a bold, if
quixotic, national adventure in Palestine. In the 1930s the Nazis replaced the
Jews as the objects of admiration: they were, after all, able to demonstrate
the actual functioning of an ethnocratic state. That approval has, since then,
been redirected back to the Jewish nation: where Indians from Golwalkar to Bal
Thackeray (and even Benoy Sarkar, albeit half-ironically) spoke admiringly of
the German ‘management’ of the ‘Jewish problem,’ the Hindu right now sees the
Israeli treatment of Palestinians as a model for the management of troublesome
minorities and neighbors. The rise of the management-school graduate as the
icon of middle-class aspiration, overshadowing the engineer (and before that,
the lawyer), is an under-explored phenomenon in the history of Indian
liberalism, with serious implications for democratic institutions. Government
is increasingly regarded as a problem of management, not politics.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
There can be no doubt that those
who advocate ‘Hindu rashtra’ in India face greater challenges than do advocates
of the ‘Jewish state.’ The Jewish state is a done deed, with overwhelming
support from the nation both within and without the state, which functions as a
point of coalescence for the nation even beyond its boundaries. Hindu rashtra,
on the other hand, is perched on thinner ice, not least because its meanings
are still open to debate. If it is interpreted to mean a state that possesses a
Hindu majority, that has borrowed most of its symbols from that majority, that
engages actively in the Sanskritization of national culture, but that has not
formally excluded minorities from fundamental claims and contributions, then a
Hindu rashtra already exists. Such a state will be majoritarian, in the sense
that it will privilege the majority by default and<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>frequently tolerate the oppression of
minorities, but it will leave open the doors of political contestation, and
privilege and oppression will fluctuate with the normal process of politics. It
can be argued, on the basis of the last election, that there is considerable if
not overwhelming support in India for this vision of nationhood, which appears
to fit a ‘common sense’ understanding of democracy in an ideological
environment in which liberal principles are not especially influential. If,
however, Hindu rashtra is to mean formal, exclusive and permanent control of
the state by an organized Hindu nation, then it is still a fantasy, countered not
only by the subalternity of much of the electorate, but also, paradoxically, by
a powerful ideology of Indianness in which ethnicity (or community, in Indian
jargon) is conceived as being either subordinate to citizenship, or coterminous
with it, but not superior. Citizenship itself provides a second, and in many
cases primary, level of ethnicity. The two understandings of Hindu rashtra
should not be understood as being mutually exclusive. It is more accurate to
regard them as two Hindu-nationalist poles – one maximally ethnocratic, the
other minimally so – between which Indian majoritarianism continuously moves.</div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<br /></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;">Exit Strategies</b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
Majoritarianism, perhaps
obviously, is only secondarily a problem of the majority: it affects the
minority much more immediately. The irony of the Israeli case is that here,
minority-ness and majority-ness have been blurred in more than one way. It came
out of the European Jews’ consciousness of themselves as a disadvantaged and
vulnerable minority, a people without ‘a state of their own,’ who <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>would be safe only as a majority in exclusive
control of its state. Even when they were the majority in their own state,
therefore, Zionists continued to function in the mode of a beleaguered
minority: this was the natural consequence of a nationhood that was not
contained by the state it managed to acquire. Majority-ness in the state did
not compensate adequately for minority-ness in the world, but for that very
reason, it became even more important. That, however, is not the only political
model that has been available historically to modern minorities, including Jews
in Western Europe and America, and Muslims in undivided India. Both groups
have, for instance, often perceived themselves as<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>standing partially and contextually outside
the larger society, uniquely positioned to serve a moral function as observers,
examples, and voices of caution and conscience. This was, of course, not
appealing enough to Muslim Leaguers or the Zionists, both of whom opted to
become majorities, creating serious problems for minorities that were already
there. In India, however, they also added to the problems of a minority <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">within </i>the minority, i.e., Muslims left
behind. </div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
Unlike ‘world Jewry,’ who could
identify with Israel even if they lived in the US or France, Indian Muslims
could not identify with Pakistan without severely compromising their position
in India: the historical circumstances were such that they had to choose. That
element of ‘choice’ provided the majority with a political tool, which is the
threat or act of expulsion. In Israel, Palestinians who protest too much are
invited or compelled to ‘go there,’ ‘there’ being the West Bank, Gaza, Lebanon,
England, or a putative Palestinian state located beyond the Green Line of 1967.
It is the reflexive reaction to criticism of the ethnocracy: even the novelist
A.B. Yehoshua, who once organized a <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>writers’
union with mixed Jewish and Palestinian membership, resorted to it in a debate
with the Palestinian author Anton Shammas, who had written – in Hebrew – about
the atrocities of 1948 and criticized the ethnic structure of the Israeli state.
Again, we have the bizarre spectacle of immigrant and indigenous ethnic groups
switching roles.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
In India, the equivalent response
is ‘If you don’t like it, go to Pakistan,’ and Indian Muslims are commonly
accused of being disloyal, crypto-Pakistani. Even on Kashmir, two distinct
lines of thought have developed among critics of the insurgency, who wish to
retain the rebel state within India. One insists that Kashmir and Kashmiris are
both Indian, and want the latter to accept that identity. The other,
increasingly palpable, tells Kashmiris that if they do not see themselves as
Indian, they can leave, but without taking Kashmir along, because the land
belongs to India. The second, obviously, is a quasi-Israeli outlook on a
population whose very existence is seditious. The availability of a ‘solution’
– a second state, in which the minority is the majority – only exacerbates the
insecurity for the minority, which can be ‘legitimately’ and ‘reasonably’
deported to this readymade ethnic receptacle. </div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
The second state, in other words,
is not unambiguously an exit from the problem of ethnocracy: it <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>is quite compatible with the extension and
expansion of ethnocracy. This is precisely why the ‘two-state solution’ is more
palatable to Israelis than the PLO’s older objective of a single secular state.
Even a notorious dissident like Uri Avnery balks at the idea of a single state,
declaring that such a state would not only immediately cease to be ‘Jewish,’
but soon become ‘Arab.’ Avnery’s position is particularly interesting, since he
is not invested in the idea of Israel as a ‘binational’ state either, in which
there is a Jewish nation and a Palestinian one. He has moved from envisioning a
Hebrew nation-state (on which world Jewry would have no automatic claim) to
advocating an Israeli nationhood that belongs to all its citizens, Jewish and
Palestinian, and to no one else. But this inclusive nation-state is contingent
on the emergence of a sister-state with a Palestinian majority: which would, in
other words, contain most Palestinians. Someday, Avnery dreamed, the two states
might form a federation, or even become the nucleus of a pan-Semitic entente.
If there is an echo here of Jinnah’s dream, it is not a coincidence. In each
case, the inclusive, liberal, democratic impulse was curtailed by the desire
for membership in the ethnic majority. But even that curtailed vision of
inclusion - which the Palestinian Authority, the Palestinians in Israel,
Palestinians in the occupied territories, and even Hamas now accept (through
the <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">hudna </i>mechanism of an extended
peace) – is anathema to a majority of Avnery’s compatriots, many of whom regard
him as a traitor.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
The demand for a separate state,
where control by a particular ethnic group would be assured and exclusive, is
one thing it is voiced by a dominated minority, but it is something else
entirely when articulated by the dominant majority. The latter situation, in
which the majority acts as if it is an aggrieved minority, is a foreshadowing
of fascism. In India, that sense of grievance is fundamental to Hindutva,
which, like the major strand of Zionism, has sought to occupy simultaneously
the positions of the dominator and the dominated, converting a narrative of
past oppression into a permanent state of war, or at least a permanent crisis
of ‘pride.’ But in India, the state continues to function as an obstacle to the
institutionalization of such projects, resisting capture by a ‘community’ or
ethnic sub-nationality. That was a basic function of the Nehruvian state, and
it is hardly a coincidence that Hindutva has waxed as the regulatory functions
of the state have waned and all things Nehruvian have come to be seen as
obsolete or ill-considered. </div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
The regulatory state, however, is
not just an artifact of the left in India. I return briefly, here, to Benoy
Sarkar, and his clashes with Congress-led Indian nationalism in the 1930s and
1940s. Sarkar gleefully dismissed the nationalists’ favorite fetishes: Hindu-Muslim
unity was not an urgent priority, he argued, and even a unified nation-state
was not especially important. What mattered, he declared, were independence and
sovereignty, and multiple independent states would ensure freedom and dignity
for all Indians as effectively as a single, unified nation-state. He was immediately
criticized for this sacrilegious indifference to the reality of Indian
nationhood, but Sarkar was attempting something that was both innovative and
pedigreed. On the one hand, he was articulating his growing pessimism about
whether the political project of ‘Hindu-Muslim unity’ would succeed in the
short term, and setting aside that unity as a prerequisite of independence.
Given the stalemate in the relationship between the Congress and the Muslim
League by 1937, this was not unreasonable. On the other hand, he was
disconnecting nationality and citizenship. While that appears similar to the
Zionist maneuver, it is critically different: Sarkar was giving priority to
citizenship in the sovereign state. He was suggesting that nationality and
ethnic relations could be a private matters that would look after themselves,
and it did not matter whether this happened in one state or in several, in
India or in Pakistan. It was akin to Jinnah’s proposal for Pakistan, but
without the insistence on a permanent Muslim majority.</div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;">Conclusions</b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
The state alone, obviously, is
not enough to protect minorities consistently, nor can it always reassure
anxious majorities. It is all too often itself the instrument of oppression. That,
however, is precisely why it must belong, at least rhetorically, to all its
citizens. Otherwise oppression becomes existential, not episodic, and defeats
the possibilities of civic – and civilized – contestation. Citizenship and
nationality can legitimately be separated, as they were in the Soviet Union, only
when nationality is detached from any particular identification with the state.
Constitutionally and polemically, the USSR was not the state of the Russian people, even if
Russians were the predominant nationality. A state that openly declares
itself to belong to only some of its citizens and their co-ethnics beyond its
boundaries, but not to its indigenous population, does not need anybody to
delegitimize it; it delegitimizes itself.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
But apart from the Kafr Qassem massacre of 1956 and the killing of a dozen-odd protesters in October 2000, the Israeli state has not killed its Palestinian citizens in large numbers. In India, on the other hand, even the occasional pogrom produces a body count reminiscent of the Palestinian predicament in the West Bank and Gaza. The Indian case is a sharp
reminder that even formally ‘open’ and civic nationhood is often conceived with
a particular ethnicity at its center, and that in such cases, formal
citizenship – while a necessary foundation – is not an adequate guarantee of
democracy, in the sense of a demos that is bound together by ties of affect and
equal membership as well as the franchise. Several things must happen that are
not all ideologically consistent, but that are politically intertwined.
Citizenship must remain both independent of ethnicity and function as the sign
and source of ethnicity. The national historiography must be continuously
revised, but at the same time, the underutilized possibilities <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">within </i>the dominant narrative must be
identified and deployed strategically. Hindu nationalism is not a monolith;
there are ways of being a ‘Hindu nationalist’ that are quite different from
Hindutva, and that do not include the exclusion and victimization of
non-Hindus. </div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
Nationalism by its very nature
involves a measure of bigotry, but bigotries are not equally virulent. Many, if
not most, Indians who find the BJP acceptable may find it appropriate that
schoolchildren sing Bande Mataram and coconuts be broken at the launching of
warships, and see a natural relationship between their Indianness and their
sense of themselves as Hindus. They may wish that Prithviraj Chauhan had won
the second battle at Tarain, or that Jinnah had died three years sooner. But
beyond such fantasies, which are common to every nationalism founded on a narrative
of defeat, they are not unrealistic: they do not believe that their local butcher
is Mahmud of Ghazni, and they reject the idea that India and ‘Indian culture’
are exclusively Hindu. Indians who adhere to a purer form of secularism must
find ways of talking to that demographic, recognizing that a politically viable
secular democracy must use all available resources.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
September 29, 2014 </div>
</div>
Satadru Senhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/01130077806377387996noreply@blogger.com